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Copyright, 1898, 







French Explorers. Le Sueur on the St. Peter's. Canadians on 
the Missouri. Jnchereau de Saint-Denis. Benard de la 
Harpe on Red River. Adventures of Du Tisne. Bourgmont 
visits the Comanches. The Brothers Mallet in Colorado and 
New Mexico. Fabry de la Bruyere 1 



The Western Sea. Schemes for reaching it. Journey of Charle- 
voix. The Sioux Mission. Varennes de la Verendrye. His 
Enterprise. His Disasters. Visits the Mandans. His Sons. 
Their Search for the Western Sea. Their Adventures. 
The Snake Indians. A Great War-Party. The Rocky Moun- 
tains. A Panic. Return of the Brothers. Their Wrongs 
and their Fate 24 



Opposing Claims. Attitude of the Rival Nations. America a 
French Continent. England a Usurper. French Demands. 
Magnanimous Proposals. Warlike Preparation. Niagara. 
Oswego. Crown Point. The Passes of the West secured . . 63 



1744, 1745. 



War of the Austrian Succession. The French seize Canseau and 
attack Annapolis. Plan of Reprisal. William Vaughan. 
Governor Shirley. He advises an Attack on Louisbourg. The 
Assembly refuses, but at last consents. Preparation. William 
Pepperrell. George Whitefield. Parson Moody. The Sol- 
diers. The Provincial Navy. Commodore Warren. Shirley 
as an Amateur Soldier. The Fleet sails 78 



Seth Pomeroy. The Voyage. Canseau. Unexpected Succors. 

Delays. Louisbourg. The Landing. The Grand Battery 
taken. French Cannon turned on the Town. Weakness of 
Dnchambon. Sufferings of the Besiegers. Their Hardihood. 

Their Irregular Proceedings. Joseph Sherburn. Amateur 
Gunnery. Camp Frolics. Sectarian Zeal. Perplexities of 
Pepperrell 108 



A Rash Resolution. The Island Battery. The Volunteers 
The Attack. The Repulse. Capture of the "Vigilant." A 
Sortie. Skirmishes. Despondency of the French. English 
Camp threatened. Pepperrell and Warren. Warren's Plan. 

Preparation for a General Attack. Flag of Truce. Capitu- 
lation. State of the Fortress. Parson Moody. Soldiers dis- 
satisfied. Disorders. Army and Navy. Rejoicings. Eng- 
land repays Provincial Outlays 135 



Louisbourg after the Conquest. Mutiny. Pestilence. Stephen 
Williams. His Diary. Scheme of conquering Canada. 



Newcastle's Promises. Alarm in Canada. Promises brokeu. 
Plan against Crown Point. Startling News. D'Anville's 
Fleet. Louisbourg to be avenged. Disasters of D'A iville. 
Storm. Pestilence. Famine. Death of D'Anville. Suicide 
of the Vice-Admiral. Ruinous Failure. Return Voyage. 
Defeat of La Jonquiere 162 



Efforts of France. Apathy of Newcastle. Dilemma of Acadians. 
Their Character Danger of the Province. Plans of Shir- 
ley. Acadian Priests. Political Agitators. Noble's Expedi- 
tion. Ramesay at Beaubassin. Noble at Grand-Pre. A 
Winter March. Defeat and Death of Noble. Grand-Pre 
re-occupied by the English. Threats of Ramesay against the 
Acadians. The British Ministry will not protect them . . . 186 



Governor and Assembly. Saratoga destroyed. William Johnson. 
Border Ravages. Upper Ashuelot. French " Military 
Movements." Number Four. Niverville's Attack. Phineas 
Stevens. The French repulsed 221 



Frontier Defence. Northfleld and its Minister. Military Criti- 
cisms of Rev. Benjamin Doolittle. Rigaud de Vaudreuil. His 
Great War-Party. He attacks Fort Massachusetts. Sergeant 
Hawks and his Garrison. A Gallant Defence. Capitulation. 
Humanity of the French. Ravages. Return to Crown 
Point. Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle 245 








INDEX 361 








THE occupation by France of the lower Mississippi 
gave a strong impulse to the exploration of the 
West, by supplying a base for discovery, stimulating 
enterprise by the longing to find gold mines, open 
trade with New Mexico, and get a fast hold on the 
countries beyond the Mississippi in anticipation of 
Spaixiy arid to these motives was soon added the 
hope of finding an overland way to the Pacific. It 
was the Canadians, with their indomitable spirit 
of adventure, who led the way in the path of 

As a bold and hardy pioneer of the wilderness, 
the Frenchman in America has rarely found his 
match. His civic virtues withered under the 
despotism of Versailles, and his mind and con- 
science were kept in leading-strings by an abso- 
lute Church ; but the forest and the prairie offered 
him an unbridled liberty, which, lawless as it was, 
gave scopd to his energies, till these savage 

VOL. II. 1 

2 FRANCE IN THE FAR WEST. [1650-1750. 

wastes became the field of his most noteworthy 

Canada was divided between two opposing in- 
fluences. On the one side were the monarchy and 
the hierarchy, with their principles of order, sub- 
ordination, and obedience ; substantially at one in 
purpose, since both wished to keep the colony 
within manageable bounds, domesticate it, and 
tame it to soberness, regularity, and obedience. 
On the other side was the spirit of liberty, or 
license, which was in the very air of this wilder- 
ness continent, reinforced in the chiefs of the 
colony by a spirit of adventure inherited from the 
Middle Ages, and by a spirit of trade born of present 
opportunities ; for every official in Canada hoped 
to make a profit, if not a fortune, out of beaver- 
skins. Kindred impulses, in ruder forms, possessed 
the humbler colonists, drove them into the forest, 
and made them hardy woodsmen and skilful bush- 
fighters, though turbulent and lawless members of 
civilized society. 

Time, the decline of the fur-trade, and the 
influence of the Canadian Church gradually di- 
minished this erratic spirit, and at the same time 
impaired the qualities that were associated with it. 
The Canadian became a more stable colonist and 
a steadier farmer ; but for forest journeyings and 
forest warfare he was scarcely his former self. At 
the middle of the eighteenth century we find com- 
plaints that the race of voyageurs is growing 
scarce. The taming process was most apparent in 
the central and lower parts of the colony, such as 

2683-1695.] LE SUEUR. 3 

the Cote de Beaupre and the opposite shore of the 
St. Lawrence, where the hands of the government 
and of the Church were strong ; while at the head 
of the colony, that is, about Montreal and its 
neighborhood, which touched the primeval wilder- 
ness, an uncontrollable spirit of adventure still 
held its own. Here, at the beginning of the cen- 
tury, this spirit was as strong as it had ever been, 
and achieved a series of explorations and dis- 
coveries which revealed the plains of the Far West 
long before an Anglo-Saxon foot had pressed their 

The expedition of one Le Sueur to what is now 
the State of Minnesota may be taken as the 
starting-point of these enterprises. Le Sueur had 
visited the country of the Sioux as early as 1683. 
He returned thither in 1689 with the famous 
voyageur Nicolas Perrot. 1 Four years later, Count 
Frontenac sent him to the Sioux country again. 
The declared purpose of the mission was to keep 
those fierce tribes at peace with their neighbors; 
but the Governor's enemies declared that a contra- 
band trade in beaver was the true object, and that 
Frontenac's secretary was to have half the profits. 2 
Le Sueur returned after two years, bringing to 
Montreal a Sioux chief and his squaw, the first of 
the tribe ever seen there. He then went to France, 
and represented to the court that he had built a 
fort at Lake Pepin, on the upper Mississippi ; that 
he was the only white man who knew the languages 

1 Journal historique de I' Etablissement des Franqais a la Louisiane, 43. 

2 Champigny au Ministre, 4 Nov. 1693. 

4 FRANCE IN THE FAR WEST. [1697-1699. 

of that region; and that if the French did not 
speedily seize upon it, the English, who were al- 
ready trading upon the Ohio, would be sure to do 
so. Thereupon he asked for the command of the 
upper Mississippi, with all its tributary waters, 
together with a monopoly of its fur-trade for ten 
years, and permission to work its mines, promising 
that if his petition were granted, he would secure 
the country to France without expense to the King. 
The commission was given him. He bought an 
outfit and sailed for Canada, but was captured by 
the English on the way. After the peace he 
returned to France and begged for a renewal of 
his commission. Leave was given him to work the 
copper and lead mines, but not to trade in beaver- 
skins. He now formed a company to aid him in 
his enterprise, on which a cry rose in Canada that 
under pretence of working mines he meant to trade 
in beaver, which is very likely, since to bring lead 
and copper in bark canoes to Montreal from the 
Mississippi and Lake Superior would cost far more 
than the metal was worth. In consequence of this 
clamor his commission was revoked. 

Perhaps it was to compensate him for the out- 
lays into which he had been drawn that the 
colonial minister presently authorized him to em- 
bark for Louisiana and pursue his enterprise with 
that infant colony, instead of Canada, as his base 
of operations. Thither, therefore, he went ; and in 
April, 1700, set out for the Sioux country with 
twenty-five men, in a small vessel of the kind 
called a " felucca," still used in the Mediterranean. 

1700.] LE SUEUR. '5 

Among the party was an adventurous youth named 
Penecaut, a ship-carpenter by trade, who had come 
to Louisiana with Iberville two years before, and 
who has left us an account of his voyage with 
Le Sueur. 1 

The party slowly made their way, with sail and 
oar, against the muddy current of the Mississippi, 
till they reached the Arkansas, where they found 
an English trader from Carolina. On the 10th of 
June., spent with rowing, and half starved, they 
stopped to rest at a point fifteen leagues above 
the mouth of the Ohio. They had staved off 
famine with the buds and leaves of trees ; but now, 
by good luck, one of them killed a bear, and, soon 
after, the Jesuit Limoges arrived from the neigh- 
boring mission of the Illinois, in a canoe well 
stored with provisions. Thus refreshed, they 
passed the mouth of the Missouri on the 13th of 
July, and soon after were met by three Canadians, 
who brought them a letter from the Jesuit Marest, 
warning them that the river was infested by war- 
parties. In fact, they presently saw seven canoes 
of Sioux warriors, bound against the Illinois ; and 
not long after, five Canadians appeared, one of 
whom had been badly wounded in a recent en- 
counter with a band of Outagamies, Sacs, and 
Winnebagoes bound against the Sioux. To take 
one another's scalps had been for ages the absorbing 
business and favorite recreation of all these West- 

1 Relation de Penecaut. In my possession is a contemporary man- 
uscript of this narrative, for which I am indebted to the kindness of 
General J. Meredith Reade. 


ern tribes. At or near the expansion of the 
Mississippi called Lake Pepin, the voyagers found 
a fort called Fort Perrot, after its builder ; 1 and 
on an island near the upper end of the lake, 
another similar structure, built by Le Sueur himself 
on his last visit to the place. These forts were 
mere stockades, occupied from time to time by the 
roving fur-traders as their occasions required. 

Towards the end of September, Le Sueur / and 
his followers reached the mouth of the St. Peter, 
which they ascended to Blue Earth Kiver. Pushing 
a league up this stream, they found a spot well 
suited to their purpose, and here they built a fort, 
of which there was great need, for they were soon 
after joined by seven Canadian traders, plundered 
and stripped to the skin by the neighboring Sioux. 
Le Sueur named the new post Fort 1'Huillier. It 
was a fence of pickets, enclosing cabins for the 
men. The neighboring plains were black with 
buffalo, of which the party killed four hundred, 
and cut them into quarters, which they placed to 
freeze on scaffolds within the enclosure. Here they 
spent the winter, subsisting on the frozen meat, 
.without bread, vegetables, or salt, and, according 
to Penecaut, thriving marvellously, though the 

1 Penecant, Journal. Proces-verbal de la Prise tie Possession du Paijs 
des Nadouesttioitx, etc., par Nicolas Perrot, 1689. Fort Perrot seems to 
hare been bnilt in 1685, and to have stood near the outlet of the lake, 
probably on the west side. Perrot afterwards bnilt another fort, called 
Fort St. Antoine, a little above, on the east bank. The position of these 
forts has been the subject of much discussion, and cannot be ascertained 
with precision. It appears by the Prise de Possession, cited above, that 
there was also, in 1689, a temporary French post near the mouth of the 

1700.] THE SIOUX . 7 

surrounding wilderness was buried five feet deep 
in snow. 

Band after band of Sioux appeared, with tbeir 
wolfish dogs and their sturdy and all-enduring 
squaws burdened with the heavy hide coverings of 
their teepees, or buffalo-skin tents. They professed 
friendship and begged for arms. Those of one 
band had blackened their faces in mourning for a 
dead chief, and calling on Le Sueur to share their 
sorrow, they wept over him, and wiped their tears 
on his hair. Another party of warriors arrived 
with yet deeper cause of grief, being the remnant of 
a village half exterminated by their enemies. They, 
too, wept profusely over the French commander, 
and then sang a dismal song, with heads muffled in 
their buffalo-robes. 1 Le Sueur took the needful 
precautions against his dangerous visitors, but got 
from them a large supply of beaver-skins in ex- 
change for his goods. 

When spring opened, he set out in search of 
mines, and found, not far above the fort, those 
beds of blue and green earth to which the stream 
owes its name. Of this his men dug out a large 
quantity, and selecting what seemed the best, 
stored it in their vessel as a precious commodity. 
With this and good store of beaver-skins, Le 
Sueur now began his return voyage for Louisiana, 
leaving a Canadian named D'Eraque and twelve 
men to keep the fort till he should come back to 

1 This weeping over strangers was a custom with the Sioux of that 
time mentioned by many early writers. La Mothe-Cadillac marvels that 
a people so brave and warlike should have such a fountain of tears always 
at command. 

8 FRANCE IN THE FAR WEST. [1700-1702. 

reclaim it, promising to send him a canoe-load of 
ammunition from the IHmpis. But the canoe was 
wrecked, and D'Eraque, discouraged, abandoned 
Fort 1'Huillier, and followed his commander down 
the Mississippi. 1 

Le Sueur, with no authority from government, 
had opened relations of trade with the wild Sioux 
of the Plains, whose westward range stretched to 
the Black Hills, and perhaps to the Rocky Moun- 
tains. He reached the settlements of Louisiana in 
safety, and sailed for France with four thousand 
pounds of his worthless blue earth. 2 Repairing at 
once to Versailles, he begged for help to continue 
his enterprise. His petition seems to have been 
granted. After long delay, he sailed again for 
Louisiana, fell ill on the voyage, and died soon 
after landing. 3 

Before 1700, the year when Le Sueur visited 
the St. Peter, little or nothing was known of the 
country west of the Mississippi, except from the 
report of Indians. ' The romances of La Hontan 
and Matthieu Sagean were justly set down as 
impostures by all but the most credulous. In this 
same year we find Le Moyne d'Iberville projecting 
journeys to the upper Missouri, in hopes of finding 

1 In 1702 the geographer Do 1'Isle made a remarkable MS. map entitled 
Carte de la Riviere dit Mississippi, dressee sur IPS Memoires de M. Le Sueur. 

2 According to the geologist Featherstonhangh, who examined the 
locality, thin earth owes its color to a hluish-green silicate of iron. 

8 Besides the long and circumstantial Relation de Penecaut, an account 
of the earlier part of Le Sneur's voyage up the Mississippi is contained in 
the Memoire du Chevalier de Beatirain, which, with other papers relating 
to this explorer, including portions of his Journal, will be fonnd in Margry, 
VI. See also Journal historique de I'Etablissement des Francois a la. 
Lvuisiane, 38-71. 


a river flowing to the Western Sea. In 1703, 
twenty Canadians tried to find their way from the 
Illinois to New Mexico, in hope of opening trade 
with the Spaniards and discovering mines. 1 _In_ 

1704 we find it reported that more than a hun- 
dred Canadians are scattered in small parties 
along the Mississippi and the Missouri ; 2 and in 

1705 one Laurain appeared at the Illinois, declaring 
that he had been high up the Missouri and had 
visited many tribes on its borders. 3 A few months 
later, two Canadians told Bienville a similar story. 
In 1708 Nicolas de la Salle proposed an expedition 
of a hundred men to explore the same mysterious 
river; and in 1717 one Hubert laid before the 
Council of Marine a scheme for following the 
Missouri to its source, since, he says, " not only may 
we find the mines worked by the Spaniards, but also 
discover the great river that is said to rise in the 
mountains where the Missouri has its source, and 
is believed to flow to the Western Sea." And he 
advises that a hundred and fifty men be sent up 
the river in wooden canoes, since bark canoes 
would be dangerous, by reason of the multitude 
of snags. 4 

In 1714 Juchereau de Saint-Denis was sent by 
La Mothe-Cadillac to explore western Louisiana, 
and pushed up Red River to a point sixty-eight 
leagues, as he reckons, above Natchitoches. In the 
next year, journeying across country towards the 

1 Iberville a , 15 Ftv. 1703 (Margry, VI. 180). 

2 Bienville au Ministre, 6 Sept. 1704. 
8 Beaurain, Journal historique. 

* Hubert, M&noire envoye au Conseil de la Marine. 

10 FRANCE IN THE FAR WEST. [1716-1719. 

Spanish settlements, with a view to trade, he was 
seized near the Rio Grande and carried to the city 
of Mexico. The Spaniards, jealous of French 
designs, now sent priests and soldiers to occupy 
several points in Texas. Juchereau, however, was 
well treated, and permitted to marry a Spanish girl 
with whom he had fallen in love on the way ; but 
when, in the autumn of 1716, he ventured another 
journey to the Mexican borders, still hoping to be 
allowed to trade, he and his goods were seized by 
order of the Mexican viceroy, and, lest worse 
should befall him, he fled empty handed, under 
cover of night. 1 

In March, 1719, Benard de la Harpe left the 
feeble little French post at Natchitoches with six 
soldiers and a sergeant. 2 His errand was to explore 
the country, open trade if possible with the 
Spaniards, and establish another post high up Red 
River. He and his party soon came upon that 
vast entanglement of driftwood, or rather of up- 
rooted forests, afterwards known as the Red River 
raft, which choked the stream and forced them 
to make their way through the inundated jungle 
that bordered it. As they pushed or dragged their 
canoes through the swamp, they saw with disgust 
and alarm a good number of snakes, coiled about 
twigs and boughs on the right and left, or some- 
times over their heads. These were probably the 
deadly water-moccason, which in warm weather is 

1 Penecaut, Relation, chapa. xvii., xviii. Le Page du Pratz, Histoire 
de la Lmu'siane, I. 13-22. Various documents in Margry, VI. 193-202. 

2 For an interesting contemporary map of the French establishment at 
Natchitoches, see Thomassy, Geologic pratique de la Louisiane. 

1719.] LA HARPE'S JOURNEY. 11 

accustomed to crawl out of its favorite element and 
bask itself in the sun, precisely as described by La 
Harpe. Their nerves were further discomposed by 
the splashing and plunging of alligators lately 
wakened from their wintry torpor. Still, they 
pushed painfully on, till they reached navigable 
water again, and at the end of the month were, as 
they thought, a hundred and eight leagues above 
Natchitoches. In four days more they reached 
the Nassonites. 

These savages belonged to a group of stationary 
tribes, only one of which, the Caddoes, survives to 
our day as a separate community. Their enemies 
the Chickasaws, Osages, Arkansas, and even the 
distant Illinois, waged such deadly war against 
them that, according to La Harpe, the unfortunate 
Nassonites were in the way of extinction, their 
numbers having fallen, within ten years, from 
twenty-five hundred souls to four hundred. 1 

La Harpe stopped among them to refresh his 
men, and build a house of cypress-wood as a begin- 
ning of the post he was ordered to establish ; then, 
having heard that a war with Spain had ruined 
his hopes of trade with New Mexico, he resolved 
to pursue his explorations. 

With him went ten men, white, red, and black, 
with twenty-two horses bought from the Indians, 
for his journeyings were henceforth to be by land. 
The party moved in a northerly and westerly 
course, by hills, forests, and prairies, passed two 
branches of the Wichita, and on the 3d of Septem- 

1 Be'nard de la Harpe, in Margry, VI. 264. 


her came to a river which La Harpe calls the 
southwest branch of the Arkansas, but which, if 
his observation of latitude is correct, must have 
been the main stream, not far from the site of Fort 
Mann. Here he was met by seven Indian chiefs, 
mounted on excellent horses saddled and bridled 
after the Spanish manner. They led him to where, 
along the plateau of the low, treeless hills that 
bordered the valley, he saw a string of Indian 
villages, extending for a league and belonging to 
nine several bands, the names of which can no 
longer be recognized, and most of which are no 
doubt extinct. He says ;that they numbered in all 
six thousand souls ; and their dwellings were high, 
dome-shaped structures, built of clay mixed with 
reeds and straw, resting, doubtless, on a frame of 
bent poles. 1 With them were also some of the 
roving Indians of the plains, with their conical 
teepees of dressed buffalo-skin. 

The arrival of the strangers was a great and 
amazing event for these savages, few of whom 
had ever seen a white man. On the day after 
their arrival the whole multitude gathered to re- 
ceive them and offer them the calumet, with a 
profusion of songs and speeches. Then warrior 
after warrior recounted his exploits and boasted 
of the scalps he had taken. From eight in the 
morning till two hours 'after midnight the din 
of drums, songs, harangues, and dances continued 

1 Beanrain says that each of these bands spoke a language of its own. 
They had horses in abundance, descended from Spanish stock. Among them 
appear to have been the Ouacos, or Huecos, and the Wichitas, two tribes 
better known as the Pawnee Picts. See Marcy, Exploration of Red River. 

1719-1721.] DU TISNfrS JOURNEY. 13 

without relenting, with a prospect of twelve hours 
more ; and La Harpe, in desperation, withdrew to 
rest himself on a buffalo-robe, begging another 
Frenchman to take his place. His hosts left him 
in peace for a while ; then the chiefs came to find 
him, painted his face blue, as a tribute of respect, 
put a cap of eagle-feathers on his head, and laid 
numerous gifts at his feet. When at last the 
Ceremony ended, some of the performers were so 
hoarse from incessant singing that they could 
hardly speak. 1 

La Harpe was told by his hosts that the Spanish 
settlements could be reached by ascending their 
river ; but to do this was at present impossible. 
He began his backward journey, fell desperately 
ill of a fever, and nearly died before reaching 

Having recovered, he made an attempt, two 
years later, to explore the Arkansas in canoes, 
from its mouth, but accomplished little besides 
killing a good number of buffalo, bears, deer, and 
wild turkeys. He was confirmed, however, in the 
belief that the Comanches and the Spaniards of 
New Mexico might be reached by this route. 

In the year of La Harpe' s first exploration, one 
Du Tisne went up the Missouri to a point six 
leagues above Grand River, where stood the vil- 
lage of the Missouris. He wished to go farther, 
but they would not let him. He then returned 

1 Compare the account of La Harpe with that of the Chevalier de 
Beaurain ; both are in Margry, VI. There is an abstract in Journal 

14 FRANCE IN THE FAR WEST. [1719-1722. 

to the Illinois, whence he set out on horseback 
with a few followers across what is now the 
State of Missouri, till he reached the village of 
the Osages, which stood on a hill high up the 
river Osage. At first he was well received ; but 
when they found him disposed to push on to a 
town of their enemies, the Pawnees, forty leagues 
distant, they angrily refused to let him go. His 
firmness and hardihood prevailed, and at last they 
gave him leave. A ride of a few days over rich 
prairies brought him to the Pawnees, who, coming 
as he did from the hated Osages, took him for an 
enemy and threatened to kill him. Twice they 
raised the tomahawk over his head ; but when the 
intrepid traveller dared them to strike, they be- 
gan to treat him as a friend. When, however, he 
told them that he meant to go fifteen days' journey 
farther, to the Padoucas, or Comanches, their deadly 
enemies, they fiercely forbade him ; and after plant- 
ing a French flag in their village, he returned as 
he had come, guiding his way by compass, and 
reaching the Illinois in November, after extreme 
hardships. 1 

Early in 1721 two hundred mounted Spaniards, 
followed by a large body of Comanche warriors, 
came from New Mexico to attack the French at 
the Illinois, but were met and routed on the Mis- 
souri by tribes of that region. 2 In the next year, 
Bienville was told that they meant to return, pun- 

1 Relation de Be'nard de la Harpe. Autre Relation du meme. Du Tisn4 
a Bienville. Margry, VI. 309, 310, 313. 

8 Bienville au Conseil de Rfyence, 20 Juillet, 1721. 

1722-1724.] BOURGMONT. 15 

ish those who had defeated them, and establish a 
post on the river Kansas ; whereupon he ordered 
Boisbriant, commandant at the Illinois, to antici- 
pate them by sending troops to build a French fort 
at or near the same place. But the West India 
Company had already sent one Bourgmont on a 
similar errand, the object being to trade with the 
Spaniards in time of peace, and stop their incur- 
sions in time of war. 1 It was hoped also that, in 
the interest of trade, peace might be made between 
the Comanches and the tribes of the Missouri. 2 

Bourgmont was a man of some education, and 
well acquainted with these tribes, among whom he 
had traded for years. In pursuance of his orders 
he built a fort, which he named Fort Orleans, and 
which stood on the Missouri not far above the 
mouth of Grand River. Having thus accomplished 
one part of his mission, he addressed himself to 
the other, and prepared to march for the Comanche 

Leaving a sufficient garrison at the fort, he sent 
his ensign, Saint-Ange, with a party of soldiers 
and Canadians, in wooden canoes, to the villages 
of the Kansas higher up the stream, and on the 
3d of July set out by land to join him, with a 
hundred and nine Missouri Indians and sixty-eight 
Osages in his train. A ride of five days brought 

1 Instructions au Sieur de Bourgmont, 17 Jan. 1722. Margry, VI. 389. 

2 The French had at this time gained a knowledge of the tribes of the 
Missouri as far up as the Arickaras, who were not, it seems, many days' 
journey below the Yellowstone, and who told them of " prodigiously high 
mountains," evidently the Rocky Mountains. Me'moire de la Renaudiere, 


him again to the banks of the Missouri, opposite a 
Kansas town. Saint-Ange had not yet arrived, the 
angry and turbid current, joined to fevers among 
his men, having retarded his progress. Meanwhile 
Bourgmont drew from the Kansas a promise that 
their warriors should go with him to the Co- 
manches. Saint-Ange at last appeared, and at day- 
break of the 24th the tents were struck and the 
pack-horses loaded. At six o'clock the party drew 
up in battle array on a hill above the Indian town, 
and then, with drum beating and flag flying, began 
their march. " A fine prairie country," writes 
Bourgmont, " with hills and dales and clumps of 
trees to right and left." Sometimes the landscape 
quivered under the sultry sun, and sometimes 
thunder bellowed over their heads, and rain fell 
in floods on the steaming plains. 

Renaudiere, engineer of the party, one day stood 
by the side of the path and watched the whole 
procession as it passed him. The white men were 
about twenty in all. He counted about three 
hundred Indian warriors, with as many squaws, 
some five hundred children, and a prodigious num- 
ber of dogs, the largest and strongest of which 
dragged heavy loads. The squaws also served as 
beasts of burden ; and, says the journal, " they 
will carry as much as a dog will drag." Horses 
were less abundant among these tribes than they 
afterwards became, so that their work fell largely 
upon the women. 

On the sixth day the party was within three 
leagues of the river Kansas, at a considerable 

1724.J BOURGMONT. 17 

distance above its mouth. Bourgmont had suf- 
fered from dysentery on the march, and an ac- 
cess of the malady made it impossible for him 
to go farther. It is easy to conceive the regret 
with which he saw himself compelled to return 
to Fort Orleans. The party retraced their steps, 
carrying their helpless commander on a litter. 

First, however, he sent one Gaillard on a peril- 
ous errand. Taking with him two Comanche 
slaves bought for the purpose from the Kansas, 
Gaillard was ordered to go to the Comanche vil- 
lages with the message that Bourgmont had been 
on his way to make them a friendly visit, and 
though stopped by illness, hoped soon to try again, 
with better success. 

Early in September, Bourgmont, who had ar- 
rived safely at Fort Orleans, received news that 
the mission of Gaillard had completely succeeded ; 
on which, though not wholly recovered from his 
illness, he set out again on his errand of peace, 
accompanied by his young son, besides Renaudiere, 
a surgeon, and nine soldiers. On reaching the 
great village of the Kansas he found there five 
Comanche chiefs and warriors, whom Gaillard had 
induced to come thither with him. Seven chiefs 
of the Otoes presently appeared, in accordance 
with an invitation of Bourgmont ; then six chiefs 
of the lowas and the head chief of the Missouris. 
With these and the Kansas chiefs a solemn council 
was held around a fire before Bourgmont's tent ; 
speeches were made, the pipe of peace was 'smoked, 
and presents were distributed. 

VOL. II. 2 


On the 8th of October the march began, the 
five Comanches and the chiefs of several other 
tribes, including the Omahas, joining the caval- 
cade. Gaillard and another Frenchman named 
Quesnel were sent in advance to announce their 
approach to the Comanches, while Bourgmont and 
his followers moved up the north side of the 
river Kansas till the eleventh, when they forded 
it at a point twenty leagues from its mouth, and 
took a westward and southwestward course, some- 
times threading the grassy valleys of little streams, 
sometimes crossing the dry upland prairie, covered 
with the short, tufted dull-green herbage since 
known as " buffalo grass." Wild turkeys clamored 
along every watercourse ; deer were seen on all sides, 
buffalo were without number, sometimes in grazing 
droves, and sometimes dotting the endless plain as 
far as the eye could reach. Ruffian wolves, white 
and gray, eyed the travellers askance, keeping a 
safe distance by day, and howling about the camp 
all night. Of the antelope and the elk the journal 
makes no mention. Bourgmont chased a buffalo 
on horseback and shot him with a pistol, which 
is probably the first recorded example of that way 
of hunting. 

The stretches of high, rolling, treeless prairie 
grew more vast as the travellers advanced. On the 
17th, they found an abandoned Comanche camp. 
On the next day as they stopped to dine, and had 
just unsaddled their horses, they saw a distant 
smoke towards the west, on which they set the 
dry grass on fire as an answering signal. Half an 

'.724.] THE COMANCHES. 19 

hour later a body of wild horsemen came towards 
them at full speed, and among them were their two 
couriers, Gaillard and Quesnel, waving a French 
flag. The strangers were eighty Comanche war- 
riors, with the grand chief of the tribe at their 
head. They dashed up to Bourgmont's bivouac 
and leaped from their horses, when a general 
shaking of hands ensued, after which white men 
and red seated themselves on the ground and 
smoked the pipe of peace. Then all rode together 
to the Comanche camp, three leagues distant. 1 

Bourgmont pitched his tents at a pistol-shot from 
the Comanche lodges, whence a crowd of warriors 
presently came to visit him. They spread buffalo- 
robes on the ground, placed upon them the French 
commander, his officers, and his young son ; then 
lifted each, with its honored load, and carried 
them all, with yells of joy and gratulation, to the 
lodge 'of the Great Chief, where there was a feast 
of ceremony lasting till nightfall. 

On the next day Bourgmont displayed to his 
hosts the marvellous store of gifts he had brought 
for them, guns, swords, hatchets, kettles, gun- 
powder, bullets, red cloth, blue cloth, hand-mirrors, 
knives, shirts, awls, scissors, needles, hawks' bells, 
vermilion, beads, and other enviable commodities, 

1 This meeting took place a little north of the Arkansas, apparently 
where that river makes a northward bend, near the 22d degree of west 
longitude. The Comanche villages were several days' journey to the 
southwest. This tribe is always mentioned in the early French narra- 
tives as the Padoucas, a name by which the Comanches are occasionally 
known to this day. See Whipple and Turner, Reports upon Indian Tribes, 
in Explorations and Surveys for the Pacific Railroad (Senate Doc., 1853, 


of the like of which they had never dreamed. 
Two hundred savages gathered before the French 
tents, where Bourgmont, with the gifts spread on 
the ground before him, stood with a French flag 
in his hand, surrounded by his officers and the 
Indian chiefs of .his party, and harangued the 
admiring auditors. 

He told them that he had come to bring them 
a message from the King, his master, who was 
the Great Chief of all the nations of the earth, 
and whose will it was that the Comanches should 
live in peace with his other children, the Mis- 
souris, Osages, Kansas, Otoes, Omahas, and Paw- 
nees, with whom they had long been at war; that 
the chiefs of these tribes were now present, ready 
to renounce their old enmities ; that the Co- 
manches should henceforth regard them as friends, 
share with them the blessing of alliance and trade 
with the French, and give to these last free pas- 
sage through their country to trade with the 
Spaniards of New Mexico. Bourgmont then gave 
the French flag to the Great Chief, to be kept 
forever as a pledge of that day's compact. The 
chief took the flag, and promised in behalf of his 
people to keep peace inviolate with the Indian 
children of the King. Then, with unspeakable 
delight, he and his tribesmen took and divided 
the gifts. 

The next two days were spent in feasts and 
rejoicings. " Is it true that you are men ? " asked 
the Great Chief. " I have heard wonders of the 
French, but I never could have believed what I 

1724-1740.] THE BROTHERS MALLET. 21 

see this day." Then, taking up a handful of 
earth, " The Spaniards are like this ; but you are 
like the sun." And he offered Bourgmont, in case 
of need, the aid of his two thousand Comanche 
warriors. The pleasing manners of his visitors, 
and their unparalleled generosity, had completely 
won his heart. 

As the object of the expedition was accom- 
plished, or seemed to be so, the party set out on 
their return. A ride of ten days brought them 
again to the Missouri ; they descended in canoes 
to Fort Orleans, and sang Te Deum in honor of 
the peace. 1 

No farther discovery in this direction was made 
for the next fifteen years. Though the French 
had explored the Missouri as far as the site of 
Fort Clark and the Mandan villages, they were 
possessed by the idea due, perhaps, to Indian 
reports concerning the great tributary river, the 
Yellowstone that in its upper course the main 
stream bent so far southward as to form a water- 
way to New Mexico, with which it was the con- 
stant desire of the authorities of Louisiana to open 
trade. A way thither was at last made known by 
two brothers named Mallet, who with six com- 
panions went up the Platte to its South Fork, 
which they called River of the Padoucas, a name 
given it on some maps down to the middle of 
this century. They followed the South Fork for 
some distance, and then, turning southward and 

1 Relation du Voyage du Sieur de Bourf/mont, Juin-Nov., 1724, in 
Margry, VI. 398. Le Page du Pratz, IIL 141. 

22 FBANCE IN THE FAR WEST. [1 740-1 74a 

southwestward, crossed the plains of Colorado. 
Here the dried dung of the buffalo was their only 
fuel ; and it has continued to feed the camp-fire 
of the traveller in this treeless region within the 
memory of many now living. They crossed the 
upper Arkansas, and apparently the Cimarron, 
passed Taos, and on the 22d of July reached 
Santa Fe, where they spent the winter. On the 
1st of May, 1740, they began their return jour- 
ney, three of them crossing the plains to the 
Pawnee villages, and the rest descending the 
Arkansas to the Mississippi. 1 

The bold exploit of the brothers Mallet attracted 
great attention at New Orleans, and Bienville re- 
solved to renew it, find if possible a nearer and 
better way to Santa Fe, determine the nature 
and extent of these mysterious western regions, 
and satisfy a lingering doubt whether they were 
not contiguous to China and Tartary. 2 A naval 
officer, Fabry de la Bruyere, was sent on this 
errand, with the brothers Mallet and a few sol- 
diers and Canadians. He ascended the Canadian 

1 Journal du Voyage des Fr&res Mallet, pre"sente a MM. de Bienville et 
Salmon. This narrative is meagre and confused, but serves to establish 
the main points. Copie du Certtficat donne a Santa Fe aux sept [huit] 
Franqais par le General Hurtado, 24 Juillet, 1739. Pere Rebald au Pere 
de Beaubois, sans date. Bienville et Salmon au Ministre, 30 Avril, 1741, in 
Margry, VI. 455-468. 

2 Instructions donne'es par Jean-Baptiste de Bienville a Fabry de la 
Bruyere, 1 Juin, 1741. Bienville was behind his time in geographical 
knowledge. As early as 1724 Be'nard de la Harpe knew that in ascend- 
ing the Missouri or the Arkansas one was moving towards the " Western 
Sea," that is, the Pacific, and might, perhaps, find some river flowing 
into it See Routes qu'on peut tenir pour se rendre a la Mer de I' Quest, in 
Journal historique, 387. 


Fork of the Arkansas, named by him the St. 
Andre, became entangled in the shallows and 
quicksands of that difficult river, fell into dis- 
putes with his men, and after protracted efforts, 
returned unsuccessful. 1 

While French enterprise was unveiling the 
remote Southwest, two indomitable Canadians 
were pushing still more noteworthy explorations 
into more northern regions of the continent. 

l Extrait ties Lettres du Sieur Fairy. 





IN the disastrous last years of Louis XIV. the 
court gave little thought to the New World ; but 
under the regency of the Duke of Orleans inter- 
est in American affairs revived. Plans for reach- 
ing the Mer de 1'Ouest, or Pacific Ocean, were 
laid before the Regent in 1716. It was urged 
that the best hope was in sending an expedition 
across the continent, seeing that every attempt 
to find a westward passage by Hudson Bay had 
failed. As starting-points and bases of supply for 
the expedition, it was proposed to establish three 
posts, one on the north shore of Lake Superior, at 
the mouth of the river Kaministiguia, another 
at Lac des Cristineaux, now called Lake of the 
Woods, and the third at Lake Winnipeg, the 
last being what in American phrase is called 
the " jumping-off place," or the point where the 

1717-1721.] CHARLEVOIX. 25 

expedition was to leave behind the last trace of 
civilization. These posts were to cost the Crown 
nothing ; since by a device common in such cases, 
those who built and maintained them were to be 
paid by a monopoly of the fur-trade in the ad- 
jacent countries. It was admitted, however, that 
the subsequent exploration must be at the charge 
of the government, and would require fifty good 
men, at 300 francs a year each, besides equipment 
and supplies. All things considered, it was reck- 
oned that an overland way to the Pacific might be 
found for about 50,000 francs, or 10,000 dollars. 1 

The Regent approved the scheme so far as to 
order the preliminary step to be taken by estab- 
lishing the three posts, and in this same year, 
Lieutenant La Noue, of the colony troops, began 
the work by building a stockade at the mouth 
of the Kaministiguia. Little more was done in 
furtherance of the exploration till three years 
later, when the celebrated Jesuit, Charlevoix, was 
ordered by the Duke of Orleans to repair to 
America and gain all possible information con- 
cerning the Western Sea and the way to it. 2 

In the next year he went to the Upper Lakes, 
and questioned missionaries, officers, voyageurs,, 
and Indians. The results were not satisfactory. 
The missionaries and the officers had nothing to 
tell ; the voyagers and Indians knew no more 
than they, but invented confused and contradic- 

1 Memoirefait et arreste par le Conseil de Marine, 3 Fe*u. 1717 ; Mtmoire 
<fy Roy, 26 Juin, 1717. 

a Charlevoix au Comte de Morville, 1 Avril, 1723. 

26 SEARCH FOR THE PACIFIC. [1721-1727. 

tory falsehoods to hide their ignorance. Charle- 
voix made note of everything, and reported to 
the Comte de Toulouse that the Pacific probably 
formed the western boundary of the country of 
the Sioux, and that some Indians told him that 
they had been to its shores and found white men 
there different from the French. 

Believing that these stories were not without 
foundation, Charlevoix reported two plans as 
likely to lead to the coveted discovery. One was 
to ascend the Missouri, " the source of which is 
certainly not far from the sea, as all the Indians 
I have met have unanimously assured me ; " and 
the other was to establish a mission among the 
Sioux, from whom after thoroughly learning 
their language, the missionaries could, as he thinks, 
gain all the desired information. 1 

The Regent approved the plan of the mission ; 
but the hostile disposition of the Sioux and the 
Outagamies prevented its execution for several 
years. In 1727 the scheme was revived, and the 
colonial minister at Versailles ordered the Gov- 
ernor of Canada to send two missionaries to the 
Sioux. But the mission required money, and the 
King would not give it. Hence the usual expedient 
was adopted. A company was formed, and in- 
vested with a monopoly of the Sioux fur-trade, 

1 The valuable journal of Charlevoix 'a western travels, written in the 
form of letters, was published in connection with his Histoire de la Nouvelle 
France. After his visit to the Lakes, he went to New Orleans, intending 
to return in the spring and continue his inquiries for the Western Sea ; 
but being unable to do this, he went back to France at the end of 1722. 
The official report of his mission is contained in a letter to the Comte de 
Toulouse, 20 Jan. 1723. 


on condition of building a fort, mission-house, and 
chapel, and keeping an armed force to guard 
them. It was specially provided that none but 
pious and virtuous persons were to be allowed to 
join the Company, " in order," says the document, 
" to attract the benediction of God upon them and 
their business." l The prospects of the Company 
were thought good, and the Governor himself was 
one of the shareholders. While the mission was 
given the most conspicuous place in the enterprise, 
its objects were rather secular than spiritual, 
to attach the Sioux to the French interest by the 
double ties of religion and trade, and utilize their 
supposed knowledge to reach the Pacific. 2 

Father Guignas was made the head of the mis- 
sion, and Boucher de la Perriere the military chief. 
The party left Montreal in June, and journeying 
to the Mississippi by way of Michillimackinac, 
Green Bay, Fox River, and the Wisconsin, went up 
the great river to Lake Pepin, where the adven- 
turous Nicolas Perrot had built two trading-posts 
more than forty years before. Even if his time- 
worn tenements were still standing, La Perriere 
had no thought of occupying them. On the north, 
or rather west, side of the lake his men found a 
point of land that seemed fit for their purpose, 
disembarked, cut down trees, and made a square 
stockade enclosing the necessary buildings. It was 
near the end of October before they were all well 

1 Trait? de la Compagnie des Sioux, 6 Juin, 1727. 

2 On this scheme, Vaudreuil et Began au Ministre, 4 Oct. 1723; Z,on- 
gueuil et Began au Ministre,3l Oct. 1725; Beauharnois et Dupuy au Mi- 
nistre, 25 Sept. 1727. 

28 SEARCH FOR THE PACIFIC. [1727-1731. 

housed. A large band of Sioux presently ap- 
peared, and set up their teepees hard by. When 
the birthday of the Governor came, the party 
celebrated it with a display of fireworks and vo- 
ciferous shouts of Vive le Eoi, Vive Charles de 
Beauharnois, while the Indians yelped in fright 
and amazement at the pyrotechnics, or stood 
pressing their hands upon their mouths in silent 
amazement. The French called their fort Fort 
Beauharnois, and invited the aid of Saint Michael 
the Archangel by naming the mission in his honor. 
All went well till April, when the water rose with 
the spring floods and filled fort, chapel, and houses 
to the depth of nearly three feet, ejecting the 
whole party, and forcing them to encamp on 
higher ground till the deluge subsided. 1 

Worse enemies than the floods soon found them 
out. These were the irrepressible Outagamies, 
who rose against the intruding French and incited 
the Sioux to join them. There was no profit 
for the Company, and no safety for its agents. 
The stockholders became discouraged, and would 
not support the enterprise. The fort was aban- 
doned, till in 1731 a new arrangement was made, 
followed by another attempt. 2 For a time a pros- 
perous trade was carried on ; but, as commonly 
happened in such cases, the adventurers seem to 
have thought more of utilizing their monopoly 
than of fulfilling the terms on which they had 
received it. The wild Sioux of the plains, instead 

1 Guiynat it BeanJiarnois, 28 Mai, 1728. 

3 Beauharnois et Ifocquart au Ministre, 25 Oct. 1729 ; Idem, 12 Oct. 1731. 


of being converted and turned into Frenchmen, 
proved such dangerous neighbors that in 1737 
Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, who then commanded 
the post, found himself forced to abandon it. 1 The 
enterprise had failed in both its aims. The West- 
ern Sea was still a mystery, and the Sioux were 
not friends, but enemies. Legardeur de Saint- 
Pierre recommended that they should be de- 
stroyed, benevolent advice easy to give, and 
impossible to execute. 2 

Rene Gaultier de Varennes, lieutenant in the 
regiment of Carignan, married at Three Rivers, 
in 1667, the daughter of Pierre Boucher, governor 
of that place ; the age of the bride, Demoiselle 
Marie Boucher, being twelve years, six months, 
and eighteen days. Varennes succeeded his fath- 
er-in-law as governor of Three Rivers, with a 
salary of twelve hundred francs, to which he 
added the profits of a farm of forty acres ; and on 
these modest resources, reinforced by an illicit 
trade in furs, he made shift to sustain the dignity 
of his office. His wife became the mother of 
numerous offspring, among whom was Pierre, 
born in 1685, an active and hardy youth, who, 
like the rest of the poor but vigorous Canadian 
noblesse, seemed born for the forest and the fur- 
trade. When, however, the War of the Spanish 
Succession broke out, the young man crossed the 
sea, obtained the commission of lieutenant, and 

1 Relation du Sieur de Saint-Pierre, 14 Oct. 1737. 

2 " Cet officier [Saint- Pierre] a ajoute qu'il seroit avantageux de de- 
truire cette nation." Memoirs de Beauharnois, 1738. 


was nearly killed at the battle of Malplaquet, 
where he was shot through the body, received six 
sabre-cuts, and was left for dead on the field. He 
recovered, and returned to Canada, when, finding 
his services slighted, he again took to the woods. 
He had assumed the designation of La Verendrye, 
and thenceforth his full name was Pierre Gaultier 
de Varennes de la Verendrye. 1 

In 1728, he was in command of a small post on 
Lake Nipegon, north of Lake Superior. Here an 
Indian chief from the River Kaministiguia told 
him of a certain great lake which discharged itself 
by a river flowing westward. The Indian further 
declared that he had descended this river till he 
reached water that ebbed and flowed, and terrified 
by the strange phenomenon, had turned back, 
though not till he had heard of a great salt lake, 
bordered with many villages. Other Indians con- 
firmed and improved the story. " These people," 
said La Ve'rendrye to the Jesuit Degonnor, " are 
great liars, but now and then they tell the truth." 2 
It seemed to him likely that their stories of a 
western river flowing to a western sea were not 
totally groundless, and that the true way to the 
Pacific was not, as had been supposed, through 
the country of the Sioux, but farther northward, 
through that of the Cristineaux and Assinniboins, 
or, in other words, through the region now called 

1 M. Benjamin Suite has traced out the family history of the Varennes 
in the parish registers of Three Rivers and other trustworthy sources. 
See Revue Canadienne, X. 781, 849, 935. 

2 Relation du Pere Degonnor, Je'suite, Missionnaire des Sioux, adresse'e 
a M. le Marquis de Beauharnois. 


Manitoba. In this view he was sustained by his 
friend Degonnor, who had just returned from the 
ill-starred Sioux mission. 

La Verendrye, fired with the zeal of discovery, 
offered to search for the Western Sea if the King 
would give him one hundred men and supply 
canoes, arms, and provisions. 1 But, as was usual 
in such cases, the King would give nothing ; and 
though the Governor, Beauharnois, did all in his 
power to promote the enterprise, the burden and 
the risk were left to the adventurer himself. La 
Verendrye was authorized to find a way to the 
Pacific at his own expense, in consideration of a 
monopoly of the fur-trade in the regions north 
and west of Lake Superior. This vast and remote 
country was held by tribes who were doubtful 
friends of the French, and perpetual enemies of 
each other. The risks of the trade were as great 
as its possible profits, and to reap these, vast out- 
lays must first be made : forts must be built, 
manned, provisioned, and stocked with goods 
brought through two thousand miles of difficult 
and perilous wilderness. There were other dan- 
gers, more insidious, and perhaps greater. The 
exclusive privileges granted to La Verendrye 
would inevitably rouse the intensest jealousy of 
the Canadian merchants, and they would spare no 
effort to ruin him. Intrigue and calumny would 
be busy in his absence. If, as was likely, his pa- 
tron, Beauharnois, should be recalled, the new 
governor might be turned against him, his privi- 

1 Relation de Degonnor: Beauharnois au Ministre, 1 Oct. 1731. 


leges might be suddenly revoked, the forts he had 
built passed over to his rivals, and all his outlays 
turned to their profit, as had happened to La Salle 
on the recall of his patron, Frontenac. On the 
other hand, the country was full of the choicest 
furs, which the Indians had hitherto carried to 
the English at Hudson Bay, but which the pro- 
posed trading-posts would secure to the French. 
La Verendrye's enemies pretended that he thought 
of nothing but beaver-skins, and slighted the dis- 
covery which he had bound himself to undertake ; 
but his conduct proves that he was true to his 
engagements, and that ambition to gain honorable 
distinction in the service of the King had a large 
place among the motives that impelled him. 

As his own resources were of the smallest, he 
took a number of associates on conditions most 
unfavorable to himself. Among them they raised 
money enough to begin the enterprise, and on the 
8th of June, 1731, La Verendrye and three of 
his sons, together with his nephew, La Jemeraye, 
the Jesuit Messager, and a party of Canadians, 
set out from Montreal. It was late in August 
before they reached the great portage of Lake 
Superior, which led across the height of land 
separating the waters of that lake from those flow- 
ing to Lake Winnipeg. The way was long and 
difficult. The men, who had perhaps been tam- 
pered with, mutinied, and refused to go farther. 1 
Some of them, with much ado, consented at last 

1 Mfmoire du Sleur de la Verendrt/e du Sujet des Etablisse.ments pour 
parvemr a la D&ouverte de la Mer de I'Ouest, in Margry, VI. 585. 

1731, 1732.] DISASTERS. 33 

to proceed, and, under the lead of La Jemeraye, 
made their way by an intricate and broken chain 
of lakes and streams to Rainy Lake, where they 
built a fort and called it Fort St. Pierre. La 
Verendrye was forced to winter with the rest of 
the party at the river Kaministiguia, not far from 
the great portage. Here months were lost, dur- 
ing which a crew ,of useless mutineers had to be 
fed and paid ; and it was not till the next June 
that he could get them again into motion towards 
Lake Winnipeg. 

This ominous beginning was followed by a train 
of disasters. His associates abandoned him ; the 
merchants on whom he depended for supplies 
would not send them, and he found himself, in 
his own words " destitute of everything." His 
nephew, La Jemeraye, died. The Jesuit Auneau, 
bent on returning to Michillimackinac, set out 
with La Verendrye' s eldest son and a party of 
twenty Canadians. A few days later, they were 
all found on an island in the Lake of the Woods, 
murdered and mangled by the Sioux. 1 The As- 
sinniboins and Cristineaux, mortal foes of that 
fierce people, offered to join the French and 
avenge the butchery ; but a war with the Sioux 
would have ruined La Verendrye's plans of dis- 
covery, and exposed to torture and death the 
French traders in their country. Therefore he 
restrained himself and declined the proffered aid, 

1 Beauharnois au Ministre, 14 Oct. 1736; Relation du Massacre au Lac 
des Bois, en Juin, 1736; Journal de la Vtrendrye, joint a la lettre de 
Al. de Beauharnois du Oct. 1737. 

VOL. II. 3 


at the risk of incurring the contempt of those 
who offered it. 

Beauharnois twice appealed to the court to give 
La Verendrye some little aid, urging that he was 
at the end of his resources, and that a grant of 
30,000 francs, or 6,000 dollars, would enable him 
to find a way to the Pacific. All help was re- 
fused, but La Verendrye was told that he might 
let out his forts to other traders, and so raise 
means to pursue the discovery. 

In 1740 he went for the third time to Mon- 
treal, where, instead of aid, he found a lawsuit. 
" In spite," he says, " of the derangement of my 
affairs, the envy and jealousy of various persons 
impelled them to write letters to the court insin- 
uating that I thought of nothing but making my 
fortune. If more than forty thousand livres of 
debt which I have on my shoulders are an advan- 
tage, then I can flatter myself that I am very 
rich. In all my misfortunes, I have the consola- 
tion of seeing that M. de Beauharnois enters into 
my views, recognizes the uprightness of my inten- 
tions, and does me justice in spite of opposition." 1 

Meanwhile, under all his difficulties, he had ex- 
plored a vast region hitherto unknown, diverted a 
great and lucrative fur-trade from the English at 
Hudson Bay, and secured possession of it by six 
fortified posts, Fort St. Pierre, on Rainy Lake ; 
Fort St. Charles, on the Lake of the Woods ; Fort 
Maurepas, at the mouth of the river Winnipeg; 

1 Aftmoire du Sieur de la Vifrendrye aw sujet des Eiablissements pout 
pari-enir a la Decouverte de la Mer de I'Ouest. 



Fort Bourbon, on the eastern side of Lake Winni- 
peg ; Fort La Reine, on the Assinniboin ; Fort 
Dauphin, on Lake Manitoba. Besides these he 
built another post, called Fort Rouge, on the site 
of the city of Winnipeg ; and, some time after, 
another, at the mouth of the River Poskoiac, or 
Saskatchawan, neither of which, however, was 
long occupied. These various forts were only 
stockade works flanked with block-houses ; but 
the difficulty of building and maintaining them in 
this remote wilderness was incalculable. 1 

He had inquired on all sides for the Pacific. 
The Assinniboins could tell him nothing. Nor 
could any information be expected from them, 
since their relatives and mortal enemies, the 
Sioux, barred their way to the West. The Cris- 
tineaux were equally ignorant ; but they supplied 
the place of knowledge by invention, and drew 
maps, some of which seem to have been made 
with no other intention than that of amusing 
themselves by imposing on the inquirer. They 
also declared that some of their number had gone 
down a river called White River, or River of the 
West, where they found a plant that shed drops 
like blood, and saw serpents of prodigious size. 
They said further that on the lower part of this 

1 Memoire en abre'ge~ de la Carte qui repre'sente les Etablissements fails 
par le Sieur de la Verendrye el ses Enfants (Margry, VL 616) ; Carte des 
Nouvelles De'couverles dans I' Quest du Canada dresste sur les M&moires de 
M* de la Verandrie el donne'e au Depot de la Marine par M. de la Galis- 
sonniere, 1750; Bellin, Remarques sur la Carte de I'Ame'rique, 1755; Bou- 
gainville, Mtmoire sur I'Etat de la Nouvelle France, 1757. 

Most of La Verendrye's forts were standing during the Seven Years' 
War, and were known collectively as Pastes de la Her de I' Quest. 


river were walled towns, where dwelt white men 
who had knives, hatchets, and cloth, but no 
firearms. 1 

Both Assinniboins and Cristineaux declared that 
there was a distant tribe on the Missouri, called 
Mantannes (Mandans), who knew the way to the 
Western Sea, and would guide him to it. Lured 
by this assurance, and feeling that he had suffi- 
ciently secured his position to enable him to begin 
his Western exploration, La Yerendrye left Fort 
LaReine in October, 1738, with twenty men, and 
pushed up the River Assinniboin till its rapids and 
shallows threatened his bark canoes with destruc- 
tion. Then, with a band of Assinniboin Indians 
who had joined him, he struck across the prairie 
for the Mandans, his Indian companions hunting 
buffalo on the way. They approached the first 
Mandan village on the afternoon of the 3d of 
December, displaying a French flag and firing 
three volleys as a salute. The whole population 
poured out to see the marvellous visitors, who were 
conducted through the staring crowd to the lodge 
of the principal chief, a capacious structure so 
thronged with the naked and greasy savages 
that the Frenchmen were half smothered. What 
was worse, they lost the bag that held all their 
presents for the Mandans, which was snatched 
away in the confusion, and hidden in one of the 
caches, called cellars by La Verendrye, of which 
the place was full. The chief seemed much dis- 

1 Journal de la Vtirendrye joint a la Lettre de M. de Beauharnois du 
Oct. 1737. 

1738, 1739.] THE MANDANS. 37 

composed at this mishap, and explained it by say- 
ing that there were many rascals in the village. 
The loss was serious, since without tlje presents 
nothing could be done. Nor was this all ; for in 
the morning La Verendrye missed his interpreter, 
and was told that he had fallen in love with an 
Assinniboin girl and gone off: in pursuit of her. 
The French were now without any means of com- 
municating with the Mandans, from whom, how- 
ever, before the disappearance of the interpreter, 
they had already received a variety of questionable 
information, chiefly touching white men cased in 
iron who were said to live on the river below at 
the distance of a whole summer's journey. As they 
were impervious to arrows, so the story ran, 
it was necessary to shoot their horses, after which, 
being too heavy to run, they were easily caught. 
This was probably suggested by the armor of the 
Spaniards, who had more than once made incur- 
sions as far as the lower Missouri ; but the 
narrators drew on their imagination for various 
additional particulars. 

The Mandans seem to have much declined in 
numbers during the century that followed this 
visit of La Verendrye. He says that they had six 
villages on or near the Missouri, of which the one 
seen by him was the smallest, though he thinks 
that it contained a hundred and thirty houses. 1 
As each of these large structures held a number 

1 Journal de la V&rendrye, 1738, 1739. This journal, which is ill-written 
and sometimes obscure, is printed in Brymner, Report on Canadian Ar- 
chives, 1889. 


of families, the population must have been con- 
siderable. Yet when Prince Maximilian visited 
the Mandans in 1833, he found only two villages, 
containing jointly two hundred and forty warriors 
and a total population of about a thousand souls. 
Without having seen the statements of La 
Verendrye, he speaks of the population as greatly 
reduced by wars and the small-pox, a disease 
which a few years later nearly exterminated the 
tribe. 1 

La Verendrye represents the six villages as 
surrounded with ditches and stockades, flanked by 
a sort of bastion, defences which, he says, had 
nothing savage in their construction. In later 
times the fortifications were of a much ruder kind, 
though Maximilian represents them as having 
pointed salients to serve as bastions. La Verendrye 
mentions some peculiar customs of the Mandans 
which answer exactly to those described by more 
recent observers. 

He had intended to winter with the tribe ; but 
the loss of the presents and the interpreter made 
it useless to stay, and leaving two men in the 
village to learn the language, he began his return 

1 Le Prince Maximilien de Wied-Neuwied, Voyage dans Vlntfrieur de 
I'Ameriijite du Nord, II. 371, 372 (Paris, 1843). When Captains Lewis 
and Clark visited the Mandans in 1804, they fonnd them in two villages, 
with about three hundred and fifty warriors. They report that, about 
forty years before, they lived in nine villages, the ruins of which the ex- 
plorers saw about eighty miles below the two villages then occupied by 
the tribe. The Mandans had moved up the river in consequence of the 
persecutions of the Sioux and the small-pox, which had made great havoc 
among them. Expedition of Lewis and Clark, I. 129 (ed. Philadelphia, 
1814). These nine villages seem to have been above Cannon-ball River, 
a tributary of the Missouri. 


to Fort La Heine. " I was very ill," he writes, 
" but hoped to get better on the way. The reverse 
was the case, for it was the depth of winter. It 
would be impossible to suffer more than I did. It 
seemed that nothing but death could release us 
from such miseries." He reached Fort La Heine 
on the llth of February, 1739. 

His iron constitution seems to have been severely 
shaken ; but he had sons worthy of their father. 
The two men left among the Mandans appeared 
at Fort La Reine in September. They reported 
that they had been well treated, and that their 
hosts had parted from them with regret. They 
also declared that at the end of spring several 
Indian tribes, all well supplied with horses, had 
come, as was their yearly custom, to the Mandan 
villages to barter embroidered buffalo hides and 
other skins for corn and beans ; that they had 
encamped, to the number of two hundred lodges, 
on the farther side of the Missouri, and that among 
them was a band said to have come from a distant 
country towards the sunset, where there were 
white men who lived in houses built of bricks and 

The two Frenchmen crossed over to the camp of 
these Western strangers, among whom they found 
a chief who spoke, or professed to speak, the lan- 
guage of the mysterious white men, which to the 
two Frenchmen was unintelligible. Fortunately, 
he also spoke the language of the Mandans, of 
which the Frenchmen had learned a little during 
their stay, and hence were able to gather that the 

40 SEARCH FOR THE PACIFIC. [1740-1742. 

white men in question had beards, and that they 
prayed to the Master of Life in great houses, built 
for the purpose, holding books, the leaves of which 
were like husks of Indian corn, singing together 
and repeating Jesus, Marie. The chief gave many 
other particulars, which seemed to show that he 
had been in contact with Spaniards, probably 
those of California ; for he described their houses as 
standing near the great lake, of which the water 
rises and falls and is not fit to drink. He invited 
the two Frenchmen to go with him to this strange 
country, saying that it could be reached before 
winter, though a wide circuit must be made, to 
avoid a fierce and dangerous tribe called Snake 
Indians (Gens du Serpent}? 

On hearing this story, La Verendrye sent his 
eldest son, Pierre, to pursue the discovery with two 
men, ordering him to hire guides among the Man- 
dans and make his way to the Western Sea. But 
no guides were to be found, and in the next sum- 
mer the young man returned from his bootless 
errand. 2 

Undaunted by this failure, Pierre set out 
again in the next spring, 1742, with his younger 
brother, the Chevalier de la Verendrye. Accom- 
panied only by two Canadians, they left Fort La 
Heine on the 29th of April, and following, no 
doubt, the route of the Assinniboin and Mouse 
River, reached the chief village of the Mandans 
in about three weeks. 

1 Journal du Sieitr de la Vfrcndri/e, 1740, in Archives de la Marine. 
a Alemoire du Sieur de la Vfrendrye, joint a sa Icttre du 31 Oct. 1744. 


Here they found themselves the welcome guests 
of this singularly interesting tribe, ruined by the 
small-pox nearly half a century ago, but preserved 
to memory by the skilful pencil of the artist 
Charles Bodmer, and the brush of the painter 
George Catlin, both of whom saw them at a time 
when the3 r were little changed in habits and man- 
ners since the visit of the brothers La Verendrye. 1 

Thus, though the report of the two brothers 
is too concise and brief, we know what they saw 
when they entered the central area, or public 
square, of the village. Around stood the Mandan 
lodges, looking like round flattened hillocks of 
earth, forty or fifty feet wide. On examination 
they proved to be framed of strong posts and 
poles, covered with a thick matting of intertwined 
willow -branches, over which was laid a bed of 
well-compacted clay or earth two or three feet 
thick. This heavy roof was supported by strong 
interior posts. 2 The open place which the dwell- 
ings enclosed served for games, dances, and the 
ghastly religious or magical ceremonies practised 

1 Prince Maximilian spent the winter of 1832-33 near the Mandan 
villages. His artist, with the instinct of genius, seized the characteristics 
of the wild life before him, and rendered them with admirable vigor and 
truth. Catlin spent a considerable time among the Mandans soon after 
the visit of Prince Maximilian, and had unusual opportunities of studying 
them. He was an indifferent painter, a shallow observer, and a garrulous 
and windy writer; yet his enthusiastic industry is beyond praise, and his 
pictures are invaluable as faithful reflections of aspects of Indian life 
which are gone forever. 

Beauharnois calls the Mandans Blancs Barbus, and says that they have 
heen hitherto unknown. Beauharnois au Ministre, 14 Aou/, 1739. The 
name Mantannes, or Mandans, is that given them by the Assinniboins. 

2 The Minnetarees and other tribes of the Missouri built their lodges 
in a similar way. 


by the tribe. Among the other structures was the 
sacred " medicine lodge," distinguished by three or 
four tall poles planted before it, each surmounted 
by an effigy looking much like a scarecrow, and 
meant as an offering to the spirits. 

If the two travellers had been less sparing of 
words, they would doubtless have told us that 
as they entered the village square the flattened 
earthen domes that surrounded it were thronged 
with squaws and children, for this was always 
the case on occasions of public interest, and that 
they were forced to undergo a merciless series 
of feasts in the lodges of the chiefs. Here, seated 
by the sunken hearth in the middle, under the large 
hole in the roof that served both for window and 
chimney, they could study at their ease the do- 
mestic economy of their entertainers. Each lodge 
held a gens, or family connection, whose beds of 
raw buffalo hide, stretched on poles, were ranged 
around the circumference of the building, while 
by each stood a post on which hung shields, 
lances, bows, quivers, medicine-bags, and masks 
formed of the skin of a buffalo's head, with the 
horns attached, to be used in the magic buffalo 

Every day had its sports to relieve the mo- 
notony of savage existence, the game of the stick 
and the rolling ring, the archery practice of boys, 
horse-racing on the neighboring prairie, and inces- 
sant games of chance ; while every evening, in 
contrast to these gayeties, the long, dismal wail 
of women rose from the adjacent cemetery, where 


1742.] A LONELY JOURNEY. 43 

the dead of the village, sewn fast in buffalo hides, 
lay on scaffolds above the reach of wolves. 

The Mandans did not know the way to the 
Pacific, but they told the brothers that they ex- 
pected a speedy visit from a tribe or band called 
Horse Indians, who could guide them thither. 
It is impossible to identify this people with any 
certainty. 1 The two travellers waited for them 
in vain till after midsummer, and then, as the 
season was too far advanced for longer delay, 
they hired two Mandans to conduct them to their 
customary haunts. 

They set out on horseback, their scanty bag- 
gage and their stock of presents being no doubt 
carried by pack-animals. Their general course 
was west-southwest, with the Black Hills at a dis- 
tance on their left, and the upper Missouri on their 
right. The country was a rolling prairie, well cov- 
ered for the most part with grass, and watered 
by small alkaline streams creeping towards the 
Missouri with an opaque, whitish current. Ex- 
cept along the watercourses, there was little or 
no wood. " I noticed," says the Chevalier de la 
Verendrye, " earths of different colors, blue, green, 
red, or black, white as chalk, or yellowish like 
ochre." This was probably in the " bad lands " of 
the Little Missouri,' where these colored earths 
form a conspicuous feature in the bare and bar- 

1 The Cheyennes have a tradition that they were the first tribe of this 
region to have horses. This may perhaps justify a conjecture that th'e 
northern division of this brave and warlike people were the Horse Indians 
of La Ve'rendrye; though an Indian tradition, unless backed by well 
established facts, can never be accepted as substantial evidence. 


ren bluffs, carved into fantastic shapes by the 
storms. 1 

For twenty days the travellers saw no human 
being, so scanty was the population of these plains. 
Game, however, was abundant. Deer sprang from 
the tall, reedy grass of the river bottoms ; buffalo 
tramped by in ponderous columns, or dotted the 
swells of the distant prairie with their grazing 
thousands ; antelope approached, with the curi- 
osity of their species, to gaze at the passing horse- 
men, then fled like the wind ; and as they neared 
the broken uplands towards the Yellowstone, they 
saw troops of elk and flocks of mountain-sheep. 
Sometimes, for miles together, the dry plain was 
studded thick with the earthen mounds that 
marked the burrows of the curious marmots, called 
prairie-dogs, from their squeaking bark. Wolves, 
white and gray, howled about the camp at night, 
and their cousin, the coyote, seated in the dusk 
of evening upright on the grass, with nose turned 
to the sky, saluted them with a complication of 
yelpings, as if a score of petulant voices were 
pouring together from the throat of one small 

On the llth of August, after a march of about 
three weeks, the brother's reached a hill, or group 
of hills, apparently west of the Little Missouri, and 
perhaps a part of the Powder River Range. It 
was here that they hoped to find the Horse Indians, 
but nobody was to be seen. Arming themselves 

1 A similar phenomenon occurs farther west on the face of the perpen- 
dicular bluffs that, iu one place, border the valley of the river Rosebud. 

1742-1 THE BEAUX HOMMES. 45 

with patience, they built a hut, made fires to at- 
tract by the smoke any Indians roaming near, and 
went every day to the tops of the hills to recon- 
noitre. At length, on the 14th of September, 
they descried a spire of smoke on the distant 

One of their Mandan guides had left them and 
gone back to his village. The other, with one of 
the Frenchmen, went towards the smoke, and 
found a camp of Indians, whom the journal 
calls Les Beaux Homines, and who were probably 
Crows, or Apsaroka, a tribe remarkable for stature 
and symmetry, who long claimed that region as 
their own. They treated the visitors well, and 
sent for the other Frenchmen to come to their 
lodges, where they were received with great re- 
joicing. The remaining Mandan, however, became 
frightened, for the Beaux Hommes were ene- 
mies of his tribe, and he soon followed his 
companion on his solitary march homeward. 

The brothers remained twenty-one days in the 
camp of the Beaux Hommes, much perplexed for 
want of an interpreter. The tribes of the plains 
have in common a system of signs by which they 
communicate with each other, and it is likely that 
the brothers had learned it from the Sioux or As- 
sinniboins, with whom they had been in familiar 
intercourse. By this or some other means they 
made their hosts understand that they wished 
to find the Horse Indians ; and the Beaux 
Hommes, being soothed by presents, offered some 
of their young men as guides. They set out on 


the 9th of October, following a south-southwest 

course. 1 

In two days they met a band of Indians, called 
by them the Little Foxes, and on the 15th and 
17th two villages of another unrecognizable horde, 
named Pioya. From La Verendrye's time to our 
own, this name " villages " has always been given 
to the encampments of the wandering people of 
the plains. All these nomadic communities joined 
them, and they moved together southward, till 
they reached at last the lodges of the long-sought 
Horse Indians. They found them in the extrem- 
ity of distress and terror. Their camp resounded 
with howls and wailings ; and not without cause, 
for the Snakes, or Shoshones, a formidable 
people living farther westward, had lately de- 
stroyed most of their tribe. The Snakes were 
the terror of that country. The brothers were 
told that the year before they had destroyed 
seventeen villages, killing the warriors and old 
women, and carrying off the young women and 
children as slaves. 

None of the Horse Indians had ever seen the 
Pacific ; but they knew a people called Gens de 
1'Arc, or Bow Indians, who, as they said, had 
traded not far from it. To the Bow Indians, 
therefore, the brothers resolved to go, and by dint 
of gifts and promises they persuaded their hosts to 

1 Journal du Voyage, fait par le Chevalier de la Ve"rendrye en 1 742. 
The copy before me is from the original in the De"pot des Cartes de la 
Marine. A duplicate, in the Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, is printed 
by Margry. It gives the above date as November 9th instead of October 
9th. The context shows the latter to he correct. 

1742.] THE BOW INDIANS. 47 

show them the way. After marching southwest- 
ward for several days, they saw the distant prairie 
covered with the pointed buffalo-skin lodges of a 
great Indian camp. It was that of the Bow In- 
dians, who may have been one of the bands of the 
western Sioux, the predominant race in this re- 
gion. Few or none of them could ever have seen 
a white man, and we may imagine their amaze- 
ment at the arrival of the strangers, who, followed 
by staring crowds, were conducted to the lodge of 
the chief. " Thus far," says La Verendrye, " we 
had been well received in all the villages we had 
passed ; but this was nothing compared with the 
courteous manners of the great chief of the Bow 
Indians, who, unlike the others, was not self-inter- 
ested in the least, and who took excellent care of 
everything belonging to us." 

The first inquiry of the travellers was for the 
Pacific ; but neither the chief nor his tribesmen 
knew anything of it, except what they had heard 
from Snake prisoners taken in war. The French- 
men were surprised at the extent of the camp, which 
consisted of many separate bands. The chief ex- 
plained that they had been summoned from far 
and near for a grand war-party against that com- 
mon foe of all, the Snakes. 1 In fact, the camp 
resounded with war-songs and war-dances. " Come 
with us," said their host ; " we are going towards 

1 The enmity between the Sioux and the Snakes lasted to onr own time. 
When the writer lived among the western Sioux, one of their chiefs or- 
ganized a war-party against the Snakes, and numerous bands came to 
join the expedition from a distance in some cases of three hundred miles. 
Quarrels broke out among them, and the scheme was ruined. 


the mountains, where you can see the great water 
that you are looking for." 

At length the camp broke up. The squaws 
took down the lodges, and the march began over 
prairies dreary and brown with the withering 
touch of autumn. The spectacle was such as men 
still young have seen in these Western lands, but 
which no man will see again. The vast plain 
swarmed with the moving multitude. The tribes 
of the Missouri and the Yellowstone had by this 
time abundance of horses, the best of which were 
used for war and hunting, and the others as beasts 
of burden. These last were equipped in a pe- 
culiar manner. Several of the long poles used to 
frame the teepees, or lodges, were secured by one 
end to each side of a rude saddle, while the other 
end trailed on the ground. Crossbars lashed to 
the poles just behind the horse kept them three 
or four feet apart, and formed a firm support, 
on which was laid, compactly folded, the buf- 
falo-skin covering of the lodge. On this, again, 
sat a mother with her young family, sometimes 
stowed for safety in a large open willow basket, 
with the occasional addition of some domestic pet, 
such as a tame raven, a puppy, or even a small 
bear cub. Other horses were laden in the same 
manner with wooden bowls, stone hammers, and 
other utensils, along with stores of dried buffalo- 
meat packed in cases of rawhide whitened and 
painted. Many of the innumerable dogs whose 
manners and appearance strongly suggested their 
relatives the wolves, to whom, however, they 


bore a mortal grudge were equipped in a 
similar way, with shorter, poles and lighter 
loads. Bands of naked boys, noisy and restless, 
roamed the prairie, practising their bows and ar- 
rows on any small animal they might find. Gay 
young squaws adorned on each cheek with a 
spot of ochre or red clay, and arrayed in tunics 
of fringed buckskin embroidered with porcupine 
quills were mounted on ponies, astride like 
men ; while lean and tattered hags the drudges 
of the tribe, unkempt and hideous scolded the 
lagging horses, or screeched at the disorderly 
dogs, with voices not unlike the yell of the 
great horned owl. Most of the warriors were 
on horseback, armed with round, white shields 
of bull-hide, feathered lances, war-clubs, bows, 
and quivers filled with stone-headed arrows ; 
while a few of the elders, wrapped in robes of 
buffalo-hide, stalked along in groups with a 
stately air, chatting, laughing, and exchanging 
unseemly jokes. 1 

" We continued our march," says La Verendrye, 
" sometimes south-southwest, and now and then 
northwest ; our numbers constantly increasing by 
villages of different tribes which joined us." The 
variations of their course were probably due to 
the difficulties of the country, which grew more 
rugged as they advanced, with broken hills, tracts 
of dingy green sage-bushes, and bright, swift 

1 The above descriptive particulars are drawn from repeated observe 
tion of similar scenes at a time when the primitive condition of these 
tribes was essentially unchanged, though with the difference that the coa- 
course of savages counted by hundreds, and not by thousands. 

VOL. II. 4 


streams, edged with cottonwood and willow, hur- 
rying northward to join the Yellowstone. At 
length, on the 1st of January, 1743, they saw 
what was probably the Bighorn Range of the 
Rocky Mountains, a hundred and twenty miles 
east of the Yellowstone Park. 

A council of all the allied bands was now called, 
and the Frenchmen were asked to take part in it. 
The questions discussed were how to dispose of 
the - women and children, and how to attack the 
enemy. Having settled their plans, the chiefs 
begged their white friends not to abandon them ; 
and the younger of the two, the Chevalier, con- 
sented to join the warriors, and aid them with 
advice, though not with arms. 

The tribes of the Western plains rarely go on 
war-parties in winter, and this great expedition 
must have been the result of unusual exaspera- 
tion. The object was to surprise the Snakes in 
the security of their winter camp, and strike a 
deadly blow, which would have been impossible 
in summer. 

On the 8th of January the whole body stopped 
to encamp, choosing, no doubt, after the invari- 
able winter custom of Western Indians, a place 
sheltered from wind, and supplied with water and 
fuel. Here the squaws and children were to re- 
main, while most of the warriors advanced against 
the enemy. By pegging the lower edge of the 
lodge-skin to the ground, and piling a ridge of 
stones and earth upon it to keep out the air, 
fastening with wooden skewers the flap of hide 


that covered the entrance, and keeping a constant 
fire, they could pass a winter endurable to Indians, 
though smoke, filth, vermin, bad air, the crowd, 
and the total absence of privacy, would make it 
a purgatory to any civilized white man. 

The Chevalier left his brother to watch over the 
baggage of the party, which was stored in the 
lodge of the great chief, while he himself, with 
his two Canadians, joined the advancing warriors. 
They were on horseback, marching with a certain 
order, and sending watchmen to reconnoitre the 
country from the tops of the hills. 1 Their move- 
ments were so slow that it was twelve days before 
they reached the foot of the mountains, which, 
says La Verendrye, " are for the most part well 
wooded, and seem very high." 2 He longed to 
climb their great snow-encumbered peaks, fancy- 
ing that he might then see the Pacific, and never 
dreaming that more than eight hundred miles of 
mountains and forests still lay between him and 
his goal. 

Through the whole of the present century the 
villages of the Snakes were at a considerable dis- 
tance west of the Bighorn Range, and some of 
them were even on the upper waters of the Pacific 
slope. It is likely that they were so in 1743, in 
which case the war-party would not only have 
reached the Bighorn Mountains, but have pushed 

1 At least this was done by a band of Sioux with whom the writer once 
traversed a part of the country ranged by these same Snakes, who had 
lately destroyed an entire Sioux village. 

2 The Bighorn Range, below the snow line, ia in the main well timbered 
with pine, fir, oak, and juniper. 


farther on to within sight of the great Wind River 
Range. Be this as it may, their scouts reached 
the chief winter camp of the Snakes, and found it 
abandoned, with lodges still standing, and many 
household possessions left behind. The enemy 
had discovered their approach, and fled. Instead 
of encouraging the allies, this news filled them 
with terror, for they feared that the Snake war- 
riors might make a circuit to the rear, and fall 
upon the camp where they had left their women 
and children. The great chief spent all his elo- 
quence in vain, nobody would listen to him ; and 
with characteristic fickleness they gave over the 
enterprise, and retreated in a panic. " Our ad- 
vance was made in good order ; but not so our re- 
treat," says the Chevalier's journal. " Everybody 
fled his own way. Our horses, though good, were 
very tired, and got little to eat." The Chevalier 
was one day riding with his friend, the great 
chief, when, looking behind him, he missed his 
two French attendants. Hastening back in alarm, 
he found them far in the rear, quietly feeding 
their horses under the shelter of a clump of trees. 
He had scarcely joined them when he saw a party 
of fifteen hostile Indians stealthily creeping for- 
ward, covered by their bull-hide shields. He and 
his men let them approach, and then gave them 
a few shots ; on which they immediately ran off, 
firearms being to them an astounding novelty. 

The three Frenchmen now tried to rejoin the 
great chief and his band, but the task was not 
easy. The prairie, bare of snow and hard as flint, 


showed no trace of foot or hoof ; and it was by 
rare good fortune that they succeeded, on the 
second day, not in overtaking the chief, but in 
reaching the camp where the women and children 
had been left. They found them all in safety ; 
the Snakes had not attacked them, and the panic 
of the warriors was needless. It was the 9th of 
February. They were scarcely housed when a 
blizzard set in, and on the night of the 10th the 
plains were buried in snow. The great chief had 
not appeared. With such of his warriors as he 
could persuade to follow him, he had made a wide 
circuit to find the trail of the lost Frenchmen, 
but, to his great distress, had completely failed. 
It was not till five days after the arrival of the 
Chevalier and his men that the chief reached the 
camp, " more dead than alive," in the words of 
the journal. All his hardships were forgotten 
when he found his white friends safe, for he had 
given them up for lost. " His sorrow turned to 
joy, and he could not give us attention and 
caresses enough." 

The camp broke up, and the allied bands dis- 
persed. The great chief and his followers moved 
slowly through the snowdrifts towards the east- 
southeast, accompanied by the Frenchmen. Thus 
they kept on till the 1st of March, when the two 
brothers, learning that they were approaching the 
winter village of a people called Gens de la Petite 
Cerise, or Choke-Cherry Indians, sent one of their 
men, with a guide, to visit them. The man re- 
turned in ten days, bringing a message from the 


Choke-Cherry Indians, inviting the Frenchmen, to 
their lodges. 

The great chief of the Bow Indians, who seems 
to have regarded his young friends with mingled 
affection, respect, and wonder, was grieved at the 
thought of losing them, but took comfort when 
they promised to visit him again, provided that he 
would make his abode near a certain river which 
they pointed out. To this he readily agreed, 
arid then, with mutual regret, they parted. 1 The 
Frenchmen repaired to the village of the Choke- 
Cherry Indians, who, like the Bow Indians, were 
probably a band of Sioux. 2 Hard by their lodges, 
which stood near the Missouri, the brothers buried 
a plate of lead graven with the royal arms, and 
raised a pile of stones in honor of the Governor of 
Canada. They remained at this place till April ; 
then, mounting their horses again, followed the 
Missouri upward to the village of the Mandans, 
which they reached on the 18th of May. After 
spending a week here, they joined a party of 

1 The only two tribes of this region who were a match for the Snakes 
were the Sioux and the Blackfeet. It is clear that the Bow Indians could 
not have been Blackfeet, as in that case, after the war party broke up, 
tliev would have moved northward towards their own country, instead of 
east-southeast into the country of their enemies. Hence I incline to think 
the Bow Indians a band of Sioux, or Dakota, a people then, as since, 
predominant in that country. 

The banks of the Missouri, in the part which La Verendrye would have 
reached in following an east-southeast course, were occupied by numerous 
bands or sub-tribes of Sioux, such as the Minneconjou, Yankton, Oncpapa, 
Brule, and others, friends and relatives of the Bow Indians, supposing 
these to have been Sioux. 

2 The Sioux, Cheyennes, and other prairie tribes use the small astrin- 
gent wild cherry for food. The squaws pound it, stones and all, and then 
dry it for winter use. 

1743-1750.] ILL-EEQUITED TOILS. 55 

Assinniboins, journeyed with them towards Fort 
La Reine, and reached it on the 2d of July, to 
the great relief of their father, who was waiting 
in suspense, having heard nothing of them for 
more than a year. 

Sixty-two years later, when the vast western 
regions then called Louisiana had just been ceded 
to the United States, Captains Lewis and Clark 
left the Mandan villages with thirty-two men, 
traced the Missouri to the mountains, penetrated 
the wastes beyond, and made their way to the 
Pacific. The first stages of that remarkable 
exploration were anticipated by the brothers La 
Verendrye. They did not find the Pacific, but 
they discovered the Rocky Mountains, or at least 
the part of them to which the name properly be- 
longs ; for the southern continuation of the great 
range had long been known to the Spaniards. 
Their bold adventure was achieved, not at the 
charge of a government, but at their own cost and 
that of their father, not with a band of well- 
equipped men, but with only two followers. 

The fur-trading privilege which was to have 
been their compensation had proved their ruin. 
They were still pursued without ceasing by the 
jealousy of rival traders and the ire of disap- 
pointed partners. " Here in Canada more than 
anywhere else," the Chevalier wrote, some years 
after his return, " envy is the passion a la mode, 
and there is no escaping it." * It was the story 
of La Salle repeated. Beauharnois, however, still 

1 Le Chevalier de (a Ve'rendrye au Ministre, 30 Sept. 1750. 

56 SEAKCH FOR THE PACIFIC. [1746-1750. 

stood by them, encouraged and defended them, 
and wrote in their favor to the colonial minister. 1 
It was doubtless through his efforts that the elder 
La Verendrye was at last promoted to a captaincy 
in the colony troops. Beauharnois was succeeded 
in the government by the sagacious and able Galis- 
soniere, and he too befriended the explorers. " It 
seems to me," he wrote to the minister, "that 
what you have been told touching the Sieur de la 
Verendrye, to the effect that he has been more busy 
with his own interests than in making discoveries, 
is totally false, and, moreover, that any officers 
employed in such work will always be compelled 
to give some of their attention to trade, so long 
as the King allows them no other means of subsis- 
tence. These discoveries are very costly, and 
more fatiguing and dangerous than open war." 2 
Two years later, the elder La Verendrye received 
the cross of the Order of St. Louis, an honor 
much prized in Canada, but which he did not long 
enjoy; for he died at Montreal in the following 
December, when on the point of again setting out 
for the West. 

His intrepid sons survived, and they were not 
idle. One of them, the Chevalier, had before dis- 
covered the river Saskatchawan, and ascended it 
as far as the forks. 8 His intention was to follow 
it to the mountains, build a fort there, and thence 
push westward in another search for the Pacific ; 

1 La Ve'rendrye pere au Ministre, 1 Nov. 1746, in Margry VI. 611. 

2 IM Galissoniere au Ministre, 23 Oct. 1747. 

8 Memoire en abr&je' des iStablissements et Decouvertes faits par le Sieut 
de la Verendrye et ses Enfants. 


but a disastrous event ruined all his hopes. La 
Galissoniere returned to France, and the Marquis 
de la Jonquiere succeeded him, with the notorious 
Fran9ois Bigot as intendant. Both were greedy 
of money, the one to hoard, and the other to dis- 
sipate it. Clearly there was money to be got from 
the fur-trade of Manitoba, for La Verendrye had 
made every preparation and incurred every ex- 
pense. It seemed that nothing remained but to 
reap where he had sown. His commission to find 
the Pacific, with the privileges connected with 
it, was refused to his sons, and conferred on a 
stranger. La Jonquiere wrote to the minister : 
" I have charged M. de Saint-Pierre with this 
business. He knows these countries better than 
any officer in all the colony." 1 On the contrary, 
he had never seen them. It is difficult not to 
believe that La Jonquiere, Bigot, and Saint-Pierre 
were partners in a speculation of which all three 
were to share the profits. 

The elder La Verendrye, not long before his 
death, had sent a large quantity of goods to his 
trading-forts. The brothers begged leave to re- 
turn thither and save their property from destruc- 
tion. They declared themselves happy to serve 
under the orders of Saint-Pierre, and asked for the 
use of only a single fort of all those which their 
father had built at his own cost. The answer 
was a flat refusal. In short, they were shame- 
fully robbed. The Chevalier writes : " M. le Mar- 
quis de la Jonquiere, being pushed hard, and as I 

1 La Jonquiere au Ministre, 27 Fev. 1750. 


thought even touched, by my representations, told 
me at last that M. de Saint-Pierre wanted nothing 
to do with me or my brothers." " I am a ruined 
man," he continues. " I am more than two thou- 
sand livres in debt, and am still only a second 
ensign. My elder brother's grade is no better 
than mine. My younger brother is only a cadet. 
This is the fruit of all that my father, my broth- 
ers, and I have done. My other brother, whom 
the Sioux murdered some years ago, was not the 
most unfortunate among us. We must lose all 
that has cost us so much, unless M. de Saint-Pierre 
should take juster views, and prevail on the Mar- 
quis de la Jonquiere to share them. To be thus 
shut out from the West is to be most cruelly 
robbed of a sort of inheritance which we had all 
the pains of acquiring, and of which others will 
get all the profit." l 

His elder brother writes in a similar strain : 
" We spent our youth and our property in build- 
ing up establishments so advantageous to Canada ; 
and after all. we were doomed to see a stranger 


gather the fruit we had taken such pains to 
plant." And he complains that their goods left 
in the trading-posts were wasted, their provisions 
consumed, and the men in their pay used to do 
the work of others. 2 

They got no redress. Saint-Pierre, backed by 
the Governor and the Intendant, remained master 
of the position. The brothers sold a small piece 

1 Le Chevalier de la Vfrendrye au Ministre, 30 Sept. 1750. 

2 Mgmoire des Services de Pierre Gnutier dr. la Vtfrendrye I'aisnd, 
pr&ente' a Mg T . Rouille, ministre et secretaire d'Etat. 


of land, their last remaining property, to appease 
their most pressing creditors. 1 

Saint-Pierre set out for Manitoba on the 5th of 
June, 1750. Though he had lived more or less hi 
the woods for thirty-six years, and though La 
Jonquiere had told the minister that he knew the 
countries to which he was bound better than any- 
body else, it is clear from his own journal that he 
was now visiting them for the first time. They 
did not please him. "I was told," he says, "that 
the way would grow harder and more dangerous 
as we advanced, and I found, in fact, that one 
must risk life and property every moment." Find- 
ing himself and his men likely to starve, he sent 
some of them, under an ensign named Niverville, 
to the Saskatchawan. They could not reach it, 
and nearly perished on the way. u I myself was 
no more fortunate," says Saint-Pierre. " Food 
was so scarce that I sent some of my people into 
the woods among the Indians, which did not 
save me from a fast so rigorous that it deranged 
my health and put it out of my power to do any- 
thing towards accomplishing my mission. Even 
if I had had strength enough, the war that broke 
out among the Indians would have made it im- 
possible to proceed." 

Niverville, after a winter of misery, tried to 
fulfil an order which he had received from his 
commander. When the Indians guided the two 
brothers La Verendrye to the Rocky Mountains, 

1 Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, in spite of his treatment of the La 
Ve*rendrye brothers, had merit as an officer. It was he who received 
Washington at Fort Le Bceuf in i"54. He was killed in 1755, at thQ 
battle of Lake George. See Montcalm and Wolfe, I. 303. 


the course they took tended so far southward 
that the Chevalier greatly feared it might lead to 
Spanish settlements ; and he gave it as his opinion 
that the next attempt to find the Pacific should 
be made farther towards the north. Saint-Pierre 
had agreed with him, and had directed Niverville 
to build a fort on the Saskatchawan, three hundred 
leagues above its mouth. Therefore, at the end of 
May, 1751, Niverville sent ten men in two canoes 
on this errand, and thej^ ascended the Saskatch- 
awan to what Saint-Pierre calls the "Rock Moun- 
tain." Here they built a small stockade fort and 
called it Fort La Jonquiere. Niverville was to 
have followed them ; but he fell ill, and lay help- 
less at the mouth of the river in such a condition 
that he could not even write to his commander. 

Saint-Pierre set out in person from Fort La 
Reine for Fort La Jonquiere, over ice and snow, 
for it was late in November. Two Frenchmen 
from Niverville met him on the way, and re- 
ported that the Assinniboins had slaughtered an 
entire band of friendly Indians on whom Saint- 
Pierre had relied to guide him. On hearing this 
he gave up the enterprise, and returned to Fort 
La Reine. Here the Indians told him idle stories 
about white men and a fort in some remote place 
towards the west ; but, he observes, " nobody 
could reach it without encountering an infinity 
of tribes more savage than it is possible to 

He spent most of the winter at Fort La Reine. 
Here, towards the end of February, 1752, he had 
with him only five men, having sent out the rest 

1752, 1753.] SAINT-PIERRE FAILS. 61 

in search of food. Suddenly, as he sat in his 
chamber, he saw the fort full of armed Assinni- 
boins, extremely noisy and insolent. He tried in 
vain to quiet them, and they presently broke into 
the guard-house and seized the arms. A massacre 
would have followed, had not Saint-Pierre, who 
was far from wanting courage, resorted to an ex- 
pedient which has more than once proved effective 
on such occasions. He knocked out the heads of 
two barrels of gunpowder, snatched a firebrand, 
and told the yelping crowd that he would blow 
up them and himself together. At this they all 
rushed in fright out of the gate, while Saint-Pierre 
ran after them, and bolted it fast. There was 
great anxiety for the hunters, but they all came 
back in the evening, without having met the 
enemy. The men, however, were so terrified by 
the adventure that Saint-Pierre was compelled 
to abandon the fort, after recommending it to 
the care of another band of Assinniboins, who 
had professed great friendship. Four days after 
he was gone they burned it to the ground. 

He soon came to the conclusion that farther 
discovery was impossible, because the English of 
Hudson Bay had stirred up the Western tribes 
to oppose it. Therefore he set out for the set- 
tlements, and, reaching Quebec in the autumn of 

1753, placed the journal of his futile enterprise 
in the hands of Duquesne, the new governor. 1 

Canada was approaching her last agony. In 
the death-struggle of the Seven Years' War there 

1 Journal sommaire du Voyage de Jacques Lfqardeiir <le Saint-Pierre, 
charge' de la D&ouverte de la Mer de I' Quest (British Museum). 

62 SEARCH FOE THE PACIFIC. [1753-1761. 

was no time for schemes of Western discovery. 
The brothers La Verendrye sank into poverty 
and neglect. A little before the war broke out, 
we find the eldest at the obscure Acadian post of 
Beausejour, where he wrote to the colonial minis- 
ter a statement of his services, which appears to 
have received no attention. After the fall of 
Canada, the CHevalier de la Verendrye, he whose 
eyes first beheld the snowy peaks of the Rocky 
Mountains, perished in the wreck of the ship " Au- 
guste," on the coast of Cape Breton, in November, 
1761. 1 

1 The above narrative rests mainly on contemporary documents, 
official iu character, of which the originals are preserved in the archives 
of the French Government. These papers have recently been printed by 
M. Pierre Margry, late custodian of the Archives of the Marine and 
Colonies at Paris, in the sixth volume of his Decouvertes et fitablisse- 
ments des Franyais dans l'Amrique Septentrionale, a documentary col- 
lection of great value, published at the expense of the American 
Government. It was M. Margry who first drew attention to the achieve- 
ments of the family of La Verendrye, by an article in the Moniteur in 1852. 
I owe to his kindness the opportunity of using the above-mentioned docu- 
ments in advance of publication. I obtained copies from duplicate 
originals of some of the principal among them from the De'pot des Cartes 
de la Marine, in 1872. These answer closely, with rare and trivial 
variations, to the same documents as printed from other sources by M. 
Margry. Some additional papers preserved in the Archives of the Marine 
and Colonies have also been used. 

My friends, Hon. William C. Endicott, then Secretary of War, and 
Captain John G. Bourke, Third Cavalry, U. S. A., kindly placed in my 
hands a valuable collection of Government maps and surveys of the 
country between the Missouri and the Rocky Mountains visited by the 
brothers La Verendrye ; and I have received from Captain Bourke, and 
also from Mr. E. A. Snow, formerly of the Third Cavalry, much infor- 
mation concerning the same region, repeatedly traversed by them in 
peace and war. 






WE have seen that the contest between France 
and England in America divided itself, after the 
Peace oFTJtrecht, into three parts, the Acadian 
contest ; the contest for northern New England, ; 
and last, though greatest, the contest for the 
"West. Nothing is more striking than the dif- 
ference, or rather contrast, in the conduct and 
methods of the rival claimants to this wild but 
magnificent domain. Each was strong in its own 
qualities, and utterly wanting in the qualities that 
marked its opponent. 

On maps of British America in the earlier 
part of the eighteenth century, one sees the east- 
ern shore, from Maine to Georgia, garnished with 
ten or twelve colored patches, very different in 
shape and size, and defined, more or less distinctly, 
by dividing-lines which, in some cases, are pro- 
longed westward till they touch the Mississippi, or 
even cross it and stretch indefinitely towards the 

64 THE CHAIN OF POSTS. [1700-1750. 

Pacific. These patches are the British provinces, 
and the westward prolongation of their boundary 
lines represents their several claims to vast inte- 
rior tracts, founded on ancient grants, but not 
made good by occupation, or vindicated by any 
exertion of power. 

These English communities took little thought 
of the region beyond the Alleghanies. Each lived 
a life of its own, shut within its own limits, 
not dreaming of a future collective greatness to 
which the possession of the West would be a 
necessary condition. No conscious community of 
aims and interests held them together, nor was 
there any authority capable of uniting their forces 
and turning them to a common object. Some of 
the servants of the Crown had urged the neces- 
sity of joining them all under a strong central 
government, as the only means of making them 
loyal subjects and arresting the encroachments of 
France ; but the scheme was plainly impracticable. 
Each province remained in jealous isolation, busied 
with its own work, growing in strength, in the 
capacity of self-rule and the spirit of indepen- 
dence, and stubbornly resisting all exercise of 
authority from without. If the English-speaking 
populations flowed westward, it was in obedience 
to natural laws, for the King did not aid the 
movement, the royal governors had no authority to 
do so, and the colonial assemblies were too much 
engrossed with immediate local interests. The 
power of these colonies was that of a rising flood 
slowly invading and conquering, by the uncon- 


scious force of its own growing volume, unless 
means be found to hold it back by dams and 
embankments within appointed limits. 

In the French colonies all was different. Here 
the representatives of the Crown were men bred 
in an atmosphere of broad ambition and mas- 
terful and far-reaching enterprise. Achievement 
was demanded of them. They recognized the 
greatness of the prize, studied the strong and 
weak points of their rivals, and with a cautious 
forecast and a daring energy set themselves to the 
task of defeating them. 

If the English colonies were comparatively 
strong in numbers, their numbers could not be 
brought into action ; while if the French forces 
were small, they were vigorously commanded, 
and always ready at a word. It was union 
confronting division, energy confronting apathy, 
military centralization opposed to industrial de- 
mocracy ; and, for a time, the advantage was all 
on one side. 

The demands of the French were sufficiently 
comprehensive. They repented of their enforced 
concessions at the Treaty of Utrecht, and in 
spite of that compact, maintained that, with a 
few local and trivial exceptions, the whole North 
American continent, except Mexico, was theirs 
of right ; while their opponents seemed neither 
to understand the situation, nor see the greatness 
of the stakes at issue. 

In 1720 Father Bobe, priest of the Congrega- 
tion of Missions, drew up a paper in which he sets 

VOL. II. 5 

66 THE CHAIN OF POSTS. f!720. 

forth the claims of France with much distinctness, 
beginning with the declaration that " England has 
usurped from France nearly everything that she 
possesses in America," and adding that the pleni- 
potentiaries at Utrecht did not know what they 
were about when they made such concessions to 
the enemy ; that, among other blunders, they 
gave Port Royal to England when it belonged to 
France, who should " insist vigorously " on its 
being given back to her. 

He maintains that the voyages of Verrazzano 
and Ribaut made France owner of the whole con- 
tinent, from Florida northward ; that England 
was an interloper in planting colonies along the 
Atlantic coast, and will admit as much if she is 
honest, since all that country is certainly a part 
of New France. In this modest assumption of 
the point at issue, he ignores John Cabot and his 
son Sebastian, who discovered North America 
more than twenty-five years before the voyage of 
Verrazzano, and more than sixty years before that 
of Ribaut. 

When the English, proceeds Father Bobe, have 
restored Port Royal to us, which they are bound 
to do, though we ceded it by the treaty, a French 
governor should be at once set over it, with a 
commission to command as far as Cape Cod, 
which would include Boston. We should also 
fortify ourselves, " in a way to stop the English, 
who have long tried to seize on French America, of 
which they know the importance, and of which," 
he observes with much candor, " they would make 


a better use than the French do. 1 . . . The Atlan- 
tic coast, as far as Florida, was usurped from the 
French, to whom it belonged then, and to whom 
it belongs now." England, as he thinks, is bound 
in honor to give back these countries to their true 
owner ; and it is also the part of wisdom to do so, 
since by grasping at too much, one often loses all. 
But France, out of her love of peace, will cede to* 
England the countries along the Atlantic, from 
the Kennebec in New France to the Jordan 2 in 
Carolina, on condition that England will restore 
to her all that she gave up by the Treaty of 
Utrecht. When this is done, France, always gen- 
erous, will consent to accept as boundary a line 
drawn from the mouth of the Kennebec, passing 
thence midway between Schenectady and Lake 
Champlain and along the ridge of the Alleghanies 
to the river Jordan, the country between this line 
and the sea to belong to England, and the rest of 
the continent to France. 

If England does not accept this generous offer, 
she is to be told that the King will give to the 
Compagnie des Indes (Law's Mississippi Company) 
full authority to occupy " all the countries which 
the English have usurped from France ; " and, pur- 
sues Father Bobe, " it is certain that the fear of 
having to do with so powerful a company will 

1 " De maniere qu'on puisse arreter les Anglois, qui depuis longtems 
tachent de s'emparer de 1'Amerique fran9oise, dont ils conoissent 1'impor- 
tance et dont ils feroient un meillieur usage que celuy qui les fran9ois en 

2 On the river Jordan, so named by Vasqnez de Ayllon, see Pioneers 
of France, in the New World, pp. 11, 39 (revised edition) note. It was 
probably the Broad River of South Carolina. 

68 THE CHAIN OF POSTS. [1720-1723. 

bring the English to our terms." The company 
that was thus to strike the British heart with 
terror was the same which all the tonics and 
stimulants of the government could not save from 
predestined ruin. But, concludes this ingenious 
writer, whether England accepts our offers or not, 
France ought not only to take a high tone (parler 
.avec hauteur), but also to fortify diligently, and 
make good her right by force of arms. 1 ' 

Three years later we have another document, 
this time of an official character, and still more 
radical in its demands. It admits that Port 
Royal and a part of the Nova Scotian penin- 
sula, under the name of Acadia, were ceded to 
England by the treaty, and consents that she 
shall keep them, but requires her to restore the 
part of New France that she has wrongfully 
seized, namely, the whole Atlantic coast from 
the Kennebec to Florida; since France never 
gave England this country, which is hers by the 
discovery of Verrazzano in 1524. Here, again, 
the voyages of the Cabots, in 1497 and 1498, 
are completely ignored. 

" It will be seen," pursues this curious docu- 
ment, " that our kings have always preserved sov- 
ereignty over the countries between the 30th and 
the 50th degrees of north latitude. A time will 
come when they will be in a position to assert 
their rights, and then it will be seen that the 
dominions of a king of France cannot be usurped 

1 Second Memoire concernant les Limites des Colonies presents en 1720 
par Eob, pretre de la Congregation de la Mission (Archives Nationales). 

1723.] FRENCH DEMANDS. 69 

with impunity. What we demand now is that 
the English make immediate restitution." No 
doubt, the paper goes on to say, they will pretend 
to have prescriptive rights, because they have 
settled the country and built towns and cities in 
it ; but this plea is of no avail, because all that 
country is a part of New France, and because 
England rightfully owns nothing in America ex- 
cept what we, the French, gave her by the Treaty 
of Utrecht, which is merely Port Royal and 
Acadia. She is bound in honor to give back all 
the vast countries she has usurped ; but, continues 
the paper, " the King loves the English nation too 
much, and wishes too much to do her kindness, 
and is too generous to exact such a restitution. 
Therefore, ' provided that England will give us 
back Port Royal, Acadia, and everything else that 
France gave her by the Treaty of Utrecht, the 
King will forego his rights, and grant to England 
the whole Atlantic coast from the 32d degree of 
latitude to the Kennebec, to the extent inland of 
twenty French leagues [about fifty miles], on con- 
dition that she will solemnly bind herself never 
to overstep these limits or encroach in the least 
on French ground." 

Thus, through the beneficence of France, Eng- 
land, provided that she renounced all pretension 
to the rest of the continent, would become the 
rightful owner of an attenuated strip of land 
reaching southward from the Kennebec along the 
Atlantic seaboard. The document containing this 
magnanimous proposal was preserved in the Cha- 

70. THE CHAIN OF POSTS. [1717-1720. 

teau St. Louis at Quebec till the middle of the 
eighteenth century, when, the boundary dispute 
having reached a crisis, and commissioners of the 
two powers having been appointed to settle it, 
a certified copy of the paper was sent to France 
for their instruction. 1 

Father Bobe had advised that France should 
not trust solely to the justice of her claims, but 
should back right with might, and build forts on. 
the Niagara, the Ohio, the Tennessee, and the Ala- 
bama, as well as at other commanding points, to 
shut out the English from the West. Of these 
positions, Niagara was the most important, for the 
possession of it would close the access to the Upper 
Lakes, and stop the Western tribes on their way 
to trade at Albany. The Five Nations and the 
Governor of New York were jealous of the French 
designs, which, however, were likely enough to 
succeed, through the prevailing apathy and divis- 
ions in the British colonies. " If those not imme- 
diately concerned," writes a member of the New 
York council, " only stand gazing on while the 
wolff is murthering other parts of the flock, it will 
come to every one's turn at last." The warning 
was well founded, but it was not heeded. Again : 
"It is the policy of the French to attack one 
colony at a time, and the others are so besotted 
as to sit still." 2 

For gaining the consent of the Five Nations to 

1 Demandes de la France, 1723 (Archives des Affaires Etrangfcres). 

2 Colonel Heathcote to' Governor Hunter, 8 July, 1715. Ibid, to Towns- 
hend t 12 July, 1715. 

1717-1720.] NIAGARA. 71 

the building of a French fort at Niagara, Vaudreuil 
trusted chiefly to his agent among the Senecas, 
the bold, skilful, and indefatigable Joncaire, who 
was naturalized among that tribe, the strongest of 
the confederacy. Governor Hunter of New York 
sent Peter Schuyler and Philip Livingston to 
counteract his influence. The Five Nations, who, 
conscious of declining power, seemed ready at 
this time to be all things to all men, declared 
that they would prevent the French from build- 
ing at Niagara, which, as they said, would "shut 
them up as in a prison." l Not long before, how- 
ever, they had sent a deputation to Montreal to 
say that the English made objection to Joncaire's 
presence among them, but that they were masters 
of their land, and hoped that the French agent 
would come as often as he pleased ; and they 
begged that the new King of France would take 
them under his protection. 2 Accordingly, Vau- 
dreuil sent them a present, with a message to 
the effect that they might plunder such English 
traders as should come among them. 3 

Yet so jealous were the Iroquois of a French 
fort at Niagara that they sent three Seneca chiefs 
to see what was going on there. The chiefs found 
a few Frenchmen in a small blockhouse, or loop- 
holed storehouse, which they had just built near 
Lewiston Heights. The three Senecas requested 
them to demolish it and go away, which the 

1 Journal of Schiii/fer and Livingston, 1720. 

2 Vandreuil au Conseil de Marine, 24 Oct. 1717. 

8 Vaudreuil et Btgon au Conseil de Marine, 26 Oct 1719 

72 THE CHAIN OF POSTS. [1717-1720. 

Frenchmen refused to do ; on which the Senecas 
asked the English envoys, Schuyler and Living- 
ston, to induce the Governor of New York to de- 
stroy the obnoxious building. In short, the Five 
Nations wavered incessantly between thelr~~two 
European neighbors, and changed their minds 
every day. The skill and perseverance of the 
French emissaries so far prevailed at last that 
the Senecas consented to the building of a fort 
at the mouth of the Niagara, where Denonville 
had built one in 1687 ; and thus that important 
pass was made tolerably secure. 

Meanwhile the English of New York, or rather 
Burnet, their governor, were not idle. Burnet 
was on ill terms with his Assembly, which grudged 
him all help in serving the province whose inter- 
ests it was supposed to represent. Burnet's plan 
was to build a fortified trading-house at Oswego, 
on Lake Ontario, in the belief that the Western 
Indians, who greatly preferred English goods and 
English prices, would pass Niagara and bring 
their furs to the new post. He got leave from 
the Five Nations to execute his plan, bought 
canoes, hired men, and built a loopholed house of 
stone on the site of the present city of Oswego. 
As the Assembly would give no money, Burnet 
furnished it himself; and though the object was 
one of the greatest importance to the province, 
he was never fully repaid. 1 A small garrison for 
the new post was drawn from the four indepen- 

1 " I am ashamed to confess that he bnilt the fort at his private 
expense, and that a balance of above .56 remains dno to his estate to this 
very day." Smith, History of New York, 267 (ed. 1814). 

1727-1736.] OSWEGO. 73 

dent companies maintained in the province at the 
charge of the Crown. 

The establishment of Oswego greatly alarmed 
and incensed the French, and a council of war at 
Quebec resolved to send two thousand men against 
it; but Vaudreuil's successor, the Marquis de Beau- 
harnois, learning that the x;ourt was not prepared 
to provoke a war, contented himself with sending 
a summons to the commanding officer to abandon 
and demolish the place within a fortnight. 1 To 
this no attention was given ; and as Burnet had 
foreseen, Oswego became the great centre of In- 
dian trade, while Niagara, in spite of its more 
favorable position, was comparatively slighted by 
the Western tribes. The chief danger rose from 
the obstinate prejudice of the Assembly, which, 
in its disputes with the Royal Governor, would 
give him neither men nor money to defend the 
new post. 

The Canadian authorities, who saw in Oswego 
an intrusion on their domain and a constant in- 
jury and menace, could not attack it without 
bringing on a war, and therefore tried to persuade 
the Five Nations to destroy it, an attempt which 
completely failed. 2 They then established a trad- 
ing-post at Toronto, in the vain hope of stopping 
the Northern tribes on their way to the more 

1 M&moire de Dvptiy, 1728. Dupuy was intendant of Canada. The 
King approved the conduct of Beauharnois in not using force. Depeche 
du Roy, 14 Mai, 1728. 

2 When urged by the younger Longueuil to drive off the English from 
Oswego, the Indians replied, " Drive them off thyself." " Chassez-les 
toi-meme." Longueuil Jils au Ministre, 19 Oct. 1728. 

74 THE CHAIN OF POSTS. [1726-1731. 

profitable English market, and they built two 
armed vessels at Fort Frontenac to control the 
navigation of Lake Ontario. 

Meanwhile, in another quarter the French made 
an advance far more threatening to the English 
colonies than Oswego was to their own. They 
had already built a stone fort at Chambly, which 
covered Montreal from any English attack by way 
of Lake Champlain. As that lake was the great 
highway between the rival colonies, the impor- 
tance of gaining full mastery of it was evident. 
It was rumored in Canada that the English meant 
to seize and fortify the place called Scalp Point 
(Pointe a la Chevelure) by the French, and Crown 
Point by the English, where the lake suddenly 
contracts to the proportions of a river, so that a 
few cannon would stop the passage. 

As early as 1726 the French made an attempt 
to establish themselves on the east side of the 
lake opposite Crown Point, but were deterred by 
the opposition of Massachusetts. This eastern 
shore was, however, claimed not only by Massa- 
chusetts, but by her neighbor, New Hampshire, 
with whom she presently fell into a dispute about 
the ownership, and, as a writer of the time ob- 
serves, " while they were quarrelling for the bone, 
the French ran away with it." * 

At length, in 1731, the French took post on the 
western side of the lake, and began to intrench 
themselves at Crown Point, which was within 
the bounds claimed by New York ; but that 

1 Mitchell, Contest in America, 22. 

1730, 1731.] CROWN POINT. 75 

province, being then engrossed, not only by her 
chronic dispute with her Governor, but by a quar- 
rel with her next neighbor, New Jersey, slighted 
the danger from the common enemy, and left the 
French to work their will. It was Saint-Luc de 
la Corne, Lieutenant du Roy at Montreal, who 
pointed out the necessity of fortifying this place, 1 
in order to anticipate the English, who, as he 
imagined, were about to do so, a danger which 
was probably not imminent, since the English 
colonies, as a whole, could not and would not 
unite for such a purpose, while the individual 
provinces were too much absorbed in their own 
internal affairs and their own jealousies and dis- 
putes to make the attempt. La Corne's sugges- 
tion found favor at court, and the Governor of 
Canada was ordered to occupy Crown Point. The 
Sieur de la Fresniere was sent thither with troops 
and workmen, and a fort was built, and named 
Fort Frederic. It contained a massive stone 
tower, mounted with cannon to command the lake, 
which is here but a musket-shot wide.. Thus 
was established an advanced post of France, a 
constant menace to New York and New England, 
both of which denormced it as an outrageous 
encroachment on British territory, but could not 
unite to rid themselves of it. 2 

While making this bold push against their 
neighbors of the South, the French did not forget 

1 La Come an Ministre, 15 Oct. 1730. 

2 On the establishment of Crown Point, Beauharnois et Hocquart au 
Roy, 10 Oct. 1731 ; Beauharnois et Hocquart au Ministre, 14 Nov. 1731. 

76 THE CHAIN OF POSTS. [1731-1750. 

the West ; and towards the middle of the century 
they had occupied points controlling all the chief 
waterways between Canada and Louisiana. Nia- 
gara held the passage from Lake Ontario to Lake 
Erie. Detroit closed the entrance to Lake Huron, 
and Michillimackinac guarded the point where 
Lake Huron is joined by Lakes Michigan and 
Superior; while the fort called La Baye, at the 
head of Green Bay, stopped the way to the Missis- 
sippi by Marquette's old route of Fox River and 
the Wisconsin. Another route to the Mississippi 
was controlled by a post on the Maumee to watch 
the carrying-place between that river and the 
Wabash, and by another on the Wabash where 
Vincennes now stands. La Salle's route, by way 
of the Kankakee and the Illinois, was barred by a 
fort on the St. Joseph ; and even if, in spite of 
these obstructions, an enemy should reach the 
Mississippi by any of its northern affluents, the 
cannon of Fort Chartres would prevent him from 
descending it. 

These various Western forts, except Fort 
Chartres and Fort Niagara, which were after- 
wards rebuilt, the one in stone and the other in 
earth, were stockades of no strength against can- 
non. Slight as they were, their establishment was 
costly ; and as the King, to whom Canada was a 
yearly loss, grudged every franc spent upon it, 
means were contrived to make them self-support- 
ing. Each of them was a station of the fur-trade, 
and the position of most of them had been deter- 
mined more or less with a view to that traffic. 


Hence they had no slight commercial value. In 
some of them the Crown itself carried on trade 
through agents who usually secured a lion's share 
of the profits. Others were farmed out to mer- 
chants at a fixed sum. In others, again, the 
commanding-officer was permitted to trade on 
condition of maintaining the post, paying the 
soldiers, and supporting a missionary ; while in 
one case, at least, he was subjected to similar 
obligations, though not permitted to trade himself, 
but only to sell trading licenses to merchants. 
These methods of keeping up forts and garrisons 
were of course open to prodigious abuses, and 
roused endless jealousies and rivalries. 

France had now occupied the valley of the 
Mississippi, and joined with loose and uncertain 
links her two colonies of Canada and Louisiana. 
But the strength of her hold on these regions of 
unkempt savagery bore no proportion to the vast- 
ness of her claims or the growing power of the 
rivals who were soon to contest them. 1 

1 On the claim of France that all North America, except the Spanish 
colonies of Mexico and Florida, belonged to her, see Appendix A. 

1744, 1745. 



THE Peace of Utrecht left unsettled the perilous 
questions of boundary between the rival powers in 
North America, and they grew more perilous every 
day. Yet the quarrel was not yet quite ripe ; and 
though the French Governor, Vaudreuil, and per- 
haps also his successor, Beauharnois, seemed willing 
to precipitate it, the courts of London and Ver- 
sailles still hesitated to appeal to the sword. Now, 
as before, it was a European, and not an American, 
quarrel that was to set the world on fire. The War 
of the Austrian Succession broke out in 1744. 
When Frederic of Prussia seized Silesia and began 
that bloody conflict, it meant that packs of howling 
savages would again spread fire and carnage along 
the New England border. 

News of the declaration of war reached Louis- 
bourg some weeks before it reached Boston, and 

1744.] DUQUESNEL. 79 

the French military Governor, Duquesnel, thought 
he saw an opportunity to strike an unexpected 
blow for the profit of France and his own great 

One of the French inhabitants of Louisbourg 
has left us a short sketch of Duquesnel, whom 
he calls " capricious, of an uncertain temper, 
inclined to drink, and when in his cups neither 
reasonable nor civil." l He adds that the Gover- 
nor had offended nearly every officer in the gar- 
rison, and denounces him as the " chief cause of 
our disasters." When Duquesnel heard of the 
declaration of war, his first thought was to strike 
some blow before the English were warned. The 
fishing-station of Canseau was a tempting prize, be- 
ing a near and an inconvenient neighbor, at the 
southern end of the Strait of Canseau, which sep- 
arates the Acadian peninsula from the island of 
Cape Breton, or Isle Royale, of which Louisbourg 
was the place of strength. Nothing was easier 
than to seize Canseau, which had no defence but a 
wooden redoubt built by the fishermen, and occu- 
pied by about eighty Englishmen thinking no 
danger. Early in May, Duquesnel sent Captain 
Duvivier against it, with six hundred, or, as the 
English say, nine hundred soldiers and sailors, 
escorted by two small armed vessels. The Eng- 
lish surrendered, on condition of being sent to 
Boston, and the miserable hamlet, with its wooden 
citadel, was burned to the ground. 

1 Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg contenant une Relation exacte et 
circonstancie de la Prise de I' Isle Royale par les Anglois. 

80 A MAD SCHEME. [1744. 

Thus far successful, the Governor addressed him- 
self to the capture of Annapolis, which meant 
the capture of all Acadia. Duvivier was again 
appointed to the command. His heart was in the 
work, for he was a descendant of La Tour, feudal 
claimant of Acadia in the preceding century. 
Four officers and ninety regular troops were given 
him, 1 and from three to four hundred Micmac and 
Malecite Indians joined him on the way. The 
Micmacs, under command, it is said, of their mis- 
sionary, Le Loutre, had already tried to surprise 
the English fort, but had only succeeded in killing 
two unarmed stragglers in the adjacent garden. 2 

Annapolis, from the neglect and indifference of 
the British ministry, was still in such a state of 
dilapidation that its sandy ramparts were crum- 
bling into the ditches, and the cows of the garrison 
walked over them at their pleasure. It was held 
by about a hundred effective men under Major 
Mascarene, a French Protestant whose family had 
been driven into exile by the persecutions that 
followed the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 
Shirley, governor of Massachusetts, sent him a 
small reinforcement of militia ; but as most of these 
came without arms, and as Mascarene had few or 
none to give them, they proved of doubtful value. 

Duvivier and his followers, white and red, 
appeared before the fort in August, made their 
camp behind the ridge of a hill that overlooked 

1 Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg. 

2 Mascarene to the Besiegers, 3 July, 1744. Duquesnel had written to 
all the missionaries " d'engager les sauvages a faire quelque coup impor- 
tant sur le f ort " (Annapolis). Duquesml a Beauharnois, 1 Juin, 1744. 


it, and marched towards the rampart ; but being 
met by a discharge of cannon-shot, they gave up 
all thoughts of an immediate assault, began a 
fusillade under cover of darkness, and kept the 
garrison on the alert all night. 

Duvivier had looked for help from the Acadians 
of the neighboring village, who were French in 
blood, faith, and inclination. They would not 
join him openly, fearing the consequences if his 
attack should fail ; but they did what they could 
without committing themselves, and made a hun- 
dred and fifty scaling-ladders for the besiegers. 
Duvivier now returned to his first plan of an 
assault, which, if made with vigor, could hardly 
have failed. Before attempting it, he sent Mas- 
carene a flag of truce to tell him that he hourly 
expected two powerful armed ships from Louis- 
bourg, besides a reinforcement of two hundred and 
fifty regulars, with cannon, mortars, and other 
enginery of war. At the same time he proposed 
favorable terms of capitulation, not to take effect 
till the French war-ships should have appeared. 
Mascarene refused all terms, saying that when he 
saw the French ships, he would consider what to do, 
and meanwhile would defend himself as he could. 

The expected ships were the " Ardent " and the 
" Caribou," then at Louisbourg. A French writer 
says that when Duquesnel directed their captains 
to sail for Annapolis and aid in its capture, they 
refused, saying that they had no orders from the 
court. 1 Duvivier protracted the parley with Mas- 

1 Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg, 
TOL. II. 6 

82 A MAD SCHEME. [1744. 

carene, and waited in vain for the promised 
succor. At length the truce was broken off, and 
the garrison, who had profited by it to get rest and 
sleep, greeted the renewal of hostilities with three 

Now followed three weeks of desultory attacks ; 
but there was no assault, though Duvivier had 
boasted that he had the means of making a success- 
ful one. He waited for the ships which did not 
come, and kept the Acadians at work in making 
ladders and fire-arrows. At length, instead of aid 
from Louisbourg, two small vessels appeared from 
Boston, bringing Mascarene a reinforcement of 
fifty Indian rangers. This discouraged the be- 
siegers, and towards the end of September they 
suddenly decamped and vanished. " The expedi- 
tion was a failure," writes the Habitant de Louis- 
bourg., " though one might have bet everything on 
its success, so small was the force that the enemy 
had to resist us." 

This writer thinks that the seizure of Canseau 
and the attack of Annapolis were sources of dire 
calamity to the French. " Perhaps," he says, " the 
English would have let us alone if we had not first 
insulted them. It was the interest of the people of 
New England to live at peace with us, and they 
would no doubt have done so, if we had not taken 
it into our heads to waken them from their security. 
They expected that both parties would merely stand 
on the defensive, without taking part in this cruel 
war that has set Europe in a blaze." 

"Whatever might otherwise have been the dis- 


position of the " Bastonnais," , or New England 
people, the attacks on Canseau and Annapolis 
alarmed and exasperated them, and engendered in 
some heated brains a project of wild audacity. 
This was no less than the capture of Louisbourg, 
reputed the strongest fortress, French or British, 
in North America, with the possible exception of 
Quebec, which owed its chief strength to nature, 
and not to art. 

Louisbourg was a standing menace to all the 
Northern British colonies. It was the only French 
naval station on the continent, and was such a 
haunt of privateers that it was called the American 
Dunkirk. It commanded the chief entrance of 
Canada, and threatened to ruin the fisheries, which 
were nearly as vital to New England as was the 
fur-trade to New France. The French govern- 
ment had spent twenty-five years in fortifying it, 
and the cost of its powerful defences constructed 
after the system of Vauban was reckoned at 
thirty million livres. 

This was the fortress which William Vaughan 
of Damariscotta advised Governor Shirley to attack 
with fifteen hundred raw New England militia. 1 
Vaughan was born at Portsmouth in 1703, and 

1 Smollett says that the proposal came from Robert Anchmuty, judge 
of admiralty in Massachusetts. Hutchinson, Douglas, Belknap, and 
other well-informed writers ascribe the scheme to Vaughan, while 
Pepperrell says that it originated with Colonel John Bradstreet. In the 
Public Record Office there is a letter from Bradstreet, written in 1753, but 
without address, in which he declares that he not only planned the siege, 
but " was the Principal Person in conducting it," assertions which may 
pass for what they a,re worth, Bradstreet being much given to self- 

84 A MAD SCHEME. [1744. 

graduated at Harvard College nineteen years later. 
His father, also a graduate of Harvard, was for a 
time lieutenant-governor of New Hampshire. Soon 
after leaving college, the younger Vaughan 
a youth of restless and impetuous activity 
established a fishing-station on the island of 
Matinicus, off the coast of Maine, and afterwards 
became the owner of most of the land on both 
sides of the little river Damariscotta, where he 
built a garrison-house, or wooden fort, established 
a considerable settlement, and carried on an ex- 
tensive trade in fish and timber. He passed for 
a man of ability and force, but was accused of a 
headstrong rashness, a self-confidence that hesi- 
tated at nothing, and a harebrained contempt of 
every obstacle in his way. Once, having fitted out 
a number of small vessels at Portsmouth for his 
fishing at Matinicus, he named a time for sailing. 
It was a gusty and boisterous March day, the sea 
was rough, and old sailors told him that such craft 
could not carry sail. Vaughan would not listen, 
but went on board and ordered his men to follow. 
One vessel was wrecked at the mouth of the river ; 
the rest, after severe buffeting, came safe, with 
their owner, to Matinicus. 

Being interested in the fisheries, Vaughan was 
doubly hostile to Louisbourg, their worst enemy. 
He found a willing listener in the Governor, Wil- 
liam Shirley. Shirley was an English barrister 
who had come to Massachusetts in 1731 to practise 
his profession and seek his fortune. After filling 
various offices with credit, he was made governor 

1744, 1745.] SHIRLEY'S PROPOSAL. 85 

of the province in 1741, and had discharged his 
duties with both tact and talent. He was able, 
sanguine, and a sincere well-wisher to the province, 
though gnawed by an insatiable hunger for dis- 
tinction. He thought himself a born strategist, 
and was possessed by a propensity for contriving 
military operations, which finally cost him dear. 
Vaughan, who knew something of Louisbourg, told 
him that in winter the snow-drifts were often 
banked so high against the rampart that it could 
be mounted readily, if the assailants could but 
time their arrival at the right moment. This was 
not easy, as that rocky and tempestuous coast was 
often made inaccessible by fogs and surf ; Shirley 
therefore preferred a plan of his own contriving. 
But nothing could be done without first persuading 
his Assembly to consent. 

On the 9th of January the General Court of 
Massachusetts a convention of grave city mer- 
chants and solemn rustics from the country vil- 
lages was astonished by a message from the 
Governor to the effect that he had a communi- 
cation to make, so critical that he wished the whole 
body to swear secrecy. The request was novel, 
but being then on good terms with Shirley, the Rep- 
resentatives consented, and took the oath. Then, 
to their amazement, the Governor invited them 
to undertake forthwith the reduction of Louis- 
bourg. The idea of an attack on that redoubtable 
fortress was not new. Since the autumn, proposals 
had been heard to petition the British ministry 
to make the attempt, under a promise that the 

86 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

colonies would give their best aid. But that 
Massachusetts should venture it alone, or with 
such doubtful help as her neighbors might give, 
at her own charge and risk, though already in- 
solvent, without the approval or consent of the 
ministry, and without experienced officers or trained 
soldiers, was a startling suggestion to the sober- 
minded legislators of the General Court. They 
listened, however, with respect to the Governor's 
reasons, and appointed a committee of the two 
houses to consider them. The committee de- 
liberated for several days, and then made a report 
adverse to the plan, as was also the vote of the 

Meanwhile, in spite of the oath, the secret had 
escaped. It is said that a country member, more 
pious than discreet, prayed so loud and fervently, 
at his lodgings, for light to guide him on the 
momentous question, that his words were over- 
heard, and the mystery of the closed doors was 
revealed. The news flew through the town, and 
soon spread through all the province. 

After his defeat in the Assembly, Shirley re- 
turned, vexed and disappointed, to his house in 
Roxbury. A few days later, James Gibson, a 
Boston merchant, says that he saw him " walking 
slowly down King Street, with his head bowed 
down, as if in a deep study." " He entered my 
counting-room," pursues the merchant, "and ab- 
ruptly said, ' Gibson, do you feel like giving up 
the expedition to Louisbourg ? ' Gibson replied 
that he wished the House would reconsider their 


vote. " You are the very man I want ! " ex- 
claimed the Governor. 1 They then drew up a pe- 
tition for reconsideration, which Gibson signed, 
promising to get also the signatures of merchants, 
not only of Boston, but of Salem, Marblehead, and 
other towns along the coast. In this he was com- 
pletely successful, as all New England merchants 
looked on Louisbourg as an arch-enemy. 

The petition was presented, and the question 
came again before the Assembly. There had been 
much intercourse between Boston and Louisbourg, 
which had largely depended on New England for 
provisions. 2 The captured militia-men of Canseau, 
who, after some delay, had been sent to Boston, 
according to the terms of surrender, had used their 
opportunities to the utmost, and could give Shirley 
much information concerning the fortress. It was 
reported that the garrison was mutinous, and that 
provisions were fallen short, so that the place could 
not hold out without supplies from France. These, 
however, could be cut off only by blockading the 
harbor with a stronger naval force than all the 
colonies together could supply. The Assembly had 
before reached the reasonable conclusion that the 
capture of Louisbourg was beyond the strength of 
Massachusetts, and that the only course was to 
ask the help of the mother-country. 3 

The reports of mutiny, it was urged, could not 
be depended on ; raw militia in the open field were 

1 Gibson, Journal of the Siege of Louisbourg. 

2 Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg. 
8 Report of Council, 12 Jan. 1745. 

88 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

no match for disciplined troops behind ramparts ; 
the expense would be enormous, and the credit of 
the province, already sunk low, would collapse 
under it ; we should fail, and instead of sympathy, 
get nothing but ridicule. Such were the arguments 
of the opposition, to which there was little to an- 
swer, except that if Massachusetts waited for help 
from England, Louisbourg would be reinforced and 
the golden opportunity lost. The impetuous and 
irrepressible Vaughan put forth all his energy ; the 
plan was carried by a single vote. And even this 
result was said to be due to the accident of a mem- 
ber in opposition falling and breaking a leg as he 
was hastening to the House. 

The die was cast, and now doubt and hesitation 
vanished. All alike set themselves to push on the 
work. Shirley wrote to all the colonies, as far 
south as Pennsylvania, to ask for co-operation. 
All excused themselves except Connecticut, New 
Hampshire, and Rhode Island, and the whole bur- 
den fell on the four New England colonies. These, 
and Massachusetts above all, blazed with pious 
zeal; for as the enterprise was directed against 
Roman Catholics, it was supposed in a peculiar 
manner to commend itself to Heaven. There were 
prayers without ceasing in churches and families, 
and all was ardor, energy, and confidence ; while 
the other colonies looked on with distrust, dashed 
with derision. When Benjamin Franklin, in Phila- 
delphia, heard what was afoot, he wrote to his 
brother in Boston, " Fortified towns are hard nuts 
to crack, and your teeth are not accustomed to it j 


but some seem to think that forts are as easy taken 
as snuff." 1 It has been said of Franklin that while 
he represented some of the New England qualities, 
he had no part in that enthusiasm of which our 
own time saw a crowning example when the can* 
non opened at Fort Sumter, and which pushes tc 
its end without reckoning chances, counting costs, 
or heeding the scoffs of ill-wishers. 

The prevailing hope and faith were, it is true, 
born largely of ignorance, aided by the contagious 
zeal of those who first broached the project ; for 
as usual in such cases, a few individuals supplied 
the initiate force of the enterprise. Vaughan the 
indefatigable rode express to Portsmouth with a 
letter from Shirley to Benning Wentworth, gov- 
ernor of New Hampshire. That pompous and self- 
important personage admired the Massachusetts 
Governor, who far surpassed him in talents and 
acquirements, and who at the same time knew 
how to soothe his vanity. Wentworth was ready 
to do his part, but his province had no money, and 
the King had ordered him to permit the issue of 
no more paper currency. The same prohibition 
had been laid upon Shirley ; but he, with sagacious 
forecast, had persuaded his masters to relent so far 
as to permit the issue of 50,000 in what were 
called bills of credit to meet any pressing exigency 
of war. He told this to Wentworth, and succeeded 
in convincing him that his province might stretch 
her credit like Massachusetts, in case of similar 
military need. New Hampshire was thus enabled 

Sparks, Works of Franklin, VII. 16. 

90 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

to raise a regiment of five hundred men, out of 
her scanty population, with the condition that a 
hundred and fifty of them should be paid and fed 
by Massachusetts. 1 

Shirley was less fortunate in Rhode Island. The 
Governor of that little colony called Massachusetts 
" our avowed enemy, always trying to defame us." 2 
There was a grudge between the neighbors, due 
partly to notorious ill-treatment by the Massachu- 
setts Puritans of Roger Williams, founder of Rhode 
Island, and partly to one of those boundary dis- 
putes which often produced ill-blood among the 
colonies. The Representatives of Rhode Island, 
forgetting past differences, voted to raise a hun- 
dred and fifty men for the expedition, till, learning 
that the project was neither ordered nor approved 
by the Home Government, they prudently recon- 
sidered their action. They voted, however, that 
the colony sloop " Tartar," carrying fourteen can- 
non and twelve swivels, should be equipped and 
manned for the service, and that the Governor 
should be instructed to find and commission a 
captain and a lieutenant to command her. 3 

Connecticut promised five hundred and sixteen 
men and officers, on condition that Roger Wolcott, 
their commander, should have the second rank in 
the expedition. Shirley accordingly commissioned 
him as major-general. As Massachusetts was to 

1 Correspondence of Shirley and Wentworth, in Belknap Papers, 
Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, V. 

2 Governor Wanton to the Agent of lihode Island, 20 Dec. 1745, in 
Colony Records of Rhode Island, V. 

Colony Records of Rhode Island, V. (Feb. 1745). 


supply above three thousand inen, or more than 
three quarters of the whole force, she had a natural 
right to name a commander-in-chief. 

It was not easy to choose one. The colony had 
been at peace for twenty years, and except some 
grizzled Indian fighters of the last war, and some 
survivors of the Carthagena expedition, nobody 
had seen service. Few knew well what a fortress 
was, and nobody knew how to attack one. Cour- 
age, energy, good sense, and popularity were the 
best qualities to be hoped for in the leader. Popu- 
larity was indispensable, for the soldiers were all 
to be volunteers, and they would not enlist under 
a commander whom they did not like. Shirley's 
choice was William Pepperrell, a merchant of Kit- 
tery. Knowing that Benning Wentworth thought 
himself the man for the place, he made an effort 
to placate him, and wrote that he would gladly 
have given him the chief command, but for his 
gouty legs. Wentworth took fire at the sugges- 
tion, forgot his gout, and declared himself ready 
to serve his country and assume the burden of 
command. The position was awkward, and Shir- 
ley was forced to reply, " On communicating your 
offer to two or three gentlemen in whose judgment 
I most confide, I found them clearly of opinion 
that any alteration of the present command would 
be attended with great risk, both with respect to 
our Assembly and the soldiers being entirely 
disgusted." l 

The painter Smibert has left us a portrait of 

1 Shirley to Wentworth, 16 Feb. 1745. 

92 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

Pepperrell, a good bourgeois face, not without 
dignity, though with no suggestion of the soldier. 
His spacious house at Kittery Point still stands, 
sound and firm, though curtailed in some of its 
proportions. Not far distant is another noted relic 
of colonial times, the not less spacious mansion 
built by the disappointed Wentworth at Little 
Harbor. I write these lines at a window of this 
curious old house, and before me spreads the scene 
familiar to Pepperrell from childhood. Here the 
river Piscataqua widens to join the sea, holding 
in its gaping mouth the large island of Newcastle, 
with attendant groups of islets and island rocks, 
battered with the rack of ages, studded with dwarf 
savins, or half clad with patches of whortleberry 
bushes, sumac, and the shining wax-myrtle, green 
in summer, red with the touch of October. The 
flood tide pours strong and full around them, only 
to ebb away and lay bare a desolation of rocks 
and stones buried in a shock of brown drenched 
seaweed, broad tracts of glistening mud, sand- 
banks black with mussel-beds, and half-submerged 
meadows of eel-grass, with myriads of minute shell- 
fish clinging to its long lank tresses. Beyond all 
these lies the main, or northern channel, more than 
deep enough, even when the tide is out, to float a 
line-of-battle-ship. On its farther bank stands the 
old house of the Pepperrells, wearing even now an 
air of dingy respectability. Looking through its 
small, quaint window-panes, one could see across 
the water the rude dwellings of fishermen along 
the shore of Newcastle, and the neglected earthwork 


called Fort William and Mary, that feebly guarded 
the river's mouth. In front, the Piscataqua, curv- 
ing southward, widened to meet the Atlantic be- 
tween rocky headlands and foaming reefs, and in 
dim distance the Isles of Shoals seemed floating 
on the pale gray sea. 

Behind the Pepperrell house was a garden, prob- 
ably more useful than ornamental, and at the foot 
of it were the owner's wharves, with storehouses for 
salt-fish, naval stores, and imported goods for the 
country trade. 

Pepperrell was the son of a "Welshman 1 who 
migrated in early life to the Isles of Shoals, and 
thence to Kittery, where by trade, ship-building, 
and the fisheries, he made a fortune, most of which 
he left to his son William. The young Pepperrell 
learned what little was taught at the village 
school, supplemented by a private tutor, whose 
instructions, however, did not perfect him in 
English grammar. In the eyes of his self-made 
father, education was valuable only so far as it 
could make a successful trader ; and on this point 
he had reason to be satisfied, as his son passed for 
many years as the chief merchant in New England. 
He dealt in ships, timber, naval stores, fish, and 
miscellaneous goods brought from England ; and 
he also greatly prospered by successful land pur- 
chases, becoming owner of the greater part of the 
growing towns of Saco and Scarborough. When 

1 " A native of Ravistock Parish, in Wales " Parsons, Life of Pepper- 
rell. Mrs. Adelaide Cilley Waldron, a descendant of Pepperrell, assures 
me, however, that his father, the emigrant, came, not from Wales, but 
from Devonshire. 

94 A MAD SCHEME. [1745 

scarcely twenty-one, he was made justice of the 
peace, on which he ordered from London what his 
biographer calls a law library, consisting of a law 
dictionary, Danvers' " Abridgment of the Common 
Law," the " Complete Solicitor," and several other 
books. In law as in war, his best qualities were 
good sense and good will. About the time when 
he was made a justice, he was commissioned cap- 
tain of militia, then major, then lieutenant-colonel, 
and at last colonel, commanding all the militia of 
Maine. The town of Kitte-ry chose him to repre- 
sent her in the General Court, Maine being then 
a part of Massachusetts. Finally, he was made 
a member of the Governor's Council, a post 
which he held for thirty-two years, during eighteen 
of which he was president of the board. 

These civil dignities served him as educators 
better than tutor or village school ; for they 
brought him into close contact with the chief 
men of the province ; and in the Massachusetts 
of that time, so different from our own, the best 
education and breeding were found in the official 
class. At once a provincial magnate and the 
great man of a small rustic village, his manners 
are said to have answered to both positions, cer- 
tainly they were such as to make him popular. 
But whatever he became as a man, he learned 
nothing to fit him to command an army and lay 
siege to Louisbourg. Perhaps he felt this, and 
thought, with the Governor of Rhode Island, that 
"the attempt to reduce that prodigiously strong 
town was too much for New England, which had 


not one officer of experience, nor even an engi- 
neer." * Moreover, he was unwilling to leave his 
wife, children, and business. He was of a religious 
turn of mind, and partial to the clergy, who, o 
their part, held him in high favor. One of them, 
the famous preacher, George Whitefield, was a 
guest at his house when he heard that Shirley had 
appointed him to command the expedition against 
Louisbourg. Whitefield had been the leading 
spirit in the recent religious fermentation called 
the Great Awakening, which, though it produced 
bitter quarrels among the ministers, besides other 
undesirable results, was imagined by many to 
make for righteousness. So thought the Rev- 
erend Thomas Prince, who mourned over the 
subsiding delirium of his flock as a sign of back- 
sliding. " The heavenly shower was over," he 
sadly exclaims ; " from fighting the devil they 
must turn to fighting the French." Pepperrell, 
always inclined to the clergy, and now in great 
perplexity, and doubt, asked his guest Whitefield 
whether or not he had better accept the com- 
mand. Whitefield gave him cold comfort, told 
him that the enterprise was not very promising, 
and that if he undertook it, he must do so " with 
a single eye," prepared for obloquy if he failed, 
and envy if he succeeded. 2 

Henry Sherburn, commissary of the New Hamp- 
shire regiment, begged Whitefield to furnish a 

1 Governor Wanton to the Agent of Rhode Island in London, 20 Dec 

2 Parsons, Life of Pepperrell, 51. 

96 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

motto for the flag. The preacher, who, zealot as 
he was, seemed unwilling to mix himself with so 
madcap a business, hesitated at first, but at length 
consented, and suggested the words, Nil desperan- 
dum Christo duce, which, being adopted, gave the 
enterprise the air of a crusade. It had, in fact, 
something of the character of one. The cause 
was imagined to be the cause of Heaven, crowned 
with celestial benediction. It had the fervent 
support of the ministers, not only by prayers 
and sermons, but, in one case, by counsels wholly 
temporal. A certain pastor, much esteemed for 
benevolence, proposed to Pepperrell, who had 
at .last accepted the command, a plan, unknown 
to Vauban, for confounding the devices of the 
enemy. He advised that two trustworthy persons 
should cautiously walk together along the front 
of the French ramparts under cover of night, 
one of them carrying a mallet, with which he was 
to hammer the ground at short intervals. The 
French sentinels, it seems to have been supposed, 
on hearing this mysterious thumping, would be 
so bewildered as to give no alarm. While one of 
the two partners was thus employed, the other 
was to lay his ear to the ground, which, as the 
adviser thought, would return a hollow sound if 
the artful foe had dug a mine under it; and when- 
ever such secret danger was detected, a mark was 
to be set on the spot, to warn off the soldiers. 1 

Equally zealous, after another fashion, was the 
Reverend Samuel Moody, popularly known as 

1 Belknap, Hist. New Hampshire, II. 208. 

1745.] PARSON MOODY. 97 

Father Moody, or Parson Moody, minister of 
York and senior chaplain of the expedition. 
Though about seventy years old, he was amaz- 
ingly tough and sturdy. He still lives in the 
traditions of York as the spiritual despot of the 
settlement and the uncompromising guardian of 
its manners and doctrine, predominating over it 
like a rough little village pope. The comparison 
would have kindled his burning wrath, for he 
abhorred the Holy Father as an embodied Anti- 
christ. Many are the stories told of him by the 
descendants of those who lived under his rod, 
and sometimes felt its weight ; for he was known 
to have corrected offending parishioners with his 
cane. 1 When some one of his flock, nettled by 
his strictures from the pulpit, walked in dudgeon 
towards the church door, Moody would shout after 
him, " Come back, you graceless sinner, come 
back ! " or if any ventured to the alehouse of a 
Saturday night, the strenuous pastor would go in 
after them, collar them, drag them out, and send 
them home with rousing admonition. 2 Few dared 
gainsay him, by reason both of his irritable temper 
and of the thick-skinned insensibility that encased 
him like armor of proof. And while his pachy- 
dermatous nature made him invulnerable as a 
rhinoceros, he had at the same time a rough and 
ready humor that supplied keen weapons for the 
warfare of words and made him a formidable 

1 Tradition told me at York by Mr. N. Marshall. 

2 Lecture of Ralph Waldo Emerson, quoted by Cabot, Memoir of 
Emerson, I. 10. 

VOL. II. 7 

98 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

antagonist. This commended him to the rude 
borderers, who also relished the sulphurous the- 
ology of their spiritual dictator, just as they liked 
the raw and fiery liquors that would have scorched 
more susceptible stomachs. What they did not 
like was the pitiless length of his prayers, which 
sometimes kept them afoot above two hours 
shivering in the polar cold of the unheated meet- 
ing-house, and which were followed by sermons of 
equal endurance ; for the old man's lungs were of 
brass, and his nerves of hammered iron. Some 
of the sufferers ventured to remonstrate ; but this 
only exasperated him, till one parishioner, more 
worldly wise than the rest, accompanied his modest 
petition for mercy with the gift of a barrel of 
cider, after which the Parson's ministrations were 
perceptibly less exhausting than before. He had 
an irrepressible conscience and a highly aggressive 
sense of duty, which made him an intolerable 
meddler in the affairs of other people, and which, 
joined to an underlying kindness of heart, made 
him so indiscreet in his charities that his wife 
and children were often driven to vain protest 
against the excesses of his almsgiving. The old 
Puritan fanaticism was rampant in him ; and when 
he sailed -for Louisbourg, he took with him an axe, 
intended, as he said, to hew down the altars of 
Antichrist and demolish his idols. 1 

1 Moody found sympathizers in his iconoclastic zeal. Deacon John 
Gray of Biddeford wrote to Pepperrell : " Oh that I could be with you 
and dear Parson Moody in that church [at Lonisbonrg] to destroy the 
images there set up, and hear the true Gospel of our Lord and Saviour 
there preached ! " 


Shirley's choice of a commander was perhaps the 
best that could have been made; for Pepperrell 
joined to an unusual popularity as little military 
incompetency as anybody else who could be had. 
Popularity, we have seen, was indispensable, and 
even company officers were appointed with an eye 
to it. Many of these were well-known men in 
rustic neighborhoods, who had raised companies 
in the hope of being commissioned to command 
them. Others were militia officers recruiting un- 
der orders of the Governor. Thus, John Storer, 
major in the Maine militia, raised in a single 
day, it is said, a company of sixty-one, the eldest 
being sixty years old, and the youngest sixteen. 1 
They formed about a quarter of the fencible pop- 
ulation of the town of Wells, one of the most 
exposed places on the border. Volunteers offered 
themselves readily everywhere ; though the pay 
was meagre, especially in Maine and Massachu- 
setts, where in the new provincial currency it was 
twenty-five shillings a month, then equal to four- 
teen shillings sterling, or less than sixpence a day, 2 
the soldier furnishing his own clothing and bring- 
ing his own gun. A full third of the Massachu- 
setts contingent, or more than a thousand men, are 
reported to have come from the hardy population 
of Maine, whose entire fighting force, as shown by 
the muster-rolls, was then but 2,855. 3 Perhaps 

1 Bourne, Hist, of Wells and Kennebunlc, 371. 

2 Gibson, Journal ; Records of Rhode Island, V. Governor Wanton, of 
that province, says, with complacency, that the pay of Rhode Island was 
twice that of Massachusetts. 

8 Parsons, Life of Pepperrell, 54. 

100 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

there was not one officer among them whose ex- 
perience of war extended beyond a drill on 
muster day and the sham fight that closed the 
performance, when it generally happened that 
the rustic warriors were treated with rum at 
the charge of their captain, to put them in good 
humor, and so induce them to obey the word of 

As the three provinces contributing soldiers 
recognized no common authority nearer than the 
King, Pepperrell received three several commis- 
sions as lieutenant-general, one from the Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, and the others from the 
Governors of Connecticut and New Hampshire ; 
while Wolcott, commander of the Connecticut 
forces, was commissioned as major-general by 
both the Governor of his own province and that 
of Massachusetts. When the levies were complete, 
it was found that Massachusetts had contributed 
about 3,300 men, Connecticut 516, and New 
Hampshire 304 in her own pay, besides 150 paid 
by her wealthier neighbor. 1 Rhode Island had 
lost faith and disbanded her 150 men ; but after- . 
wards raised them again, though too late to take 
part in the siege. 

Each of the four New England colonies had a 
little navy of its own, consisting of from one to 
three or four small armed vessels ; and as priva- 
teering which was sometimes a euphemism for 
piracy where Frenchmen and Spaniards were con- 

1 Of the Massachusetts contingent, three hundred men were raised and 
maintained at the charge of the merchant James Gibson. 


cerned was a favorite occupation, it was pos- 
sible to extemporize an additional force in case 
of need. For a naval commander, Shirley chose 
Captain Edward Tyng, who had signalized him- 
self in the past summer by capturing a French 
privateer of greater strength than his own. Shir- 
ley authorized him to buy for the province the 
best ship he could find, equip her for fighting, 
and take command of her. Tyng soon found 
a brig to his mind, on the stocks nearly ready for 
launching. She was rapidly fitted for her new 
destination, converted into a frigate, mounted 
with 24 guns, and named the " Massachusetts." 
The rest of the naval force consisted of the ship 
"Caesar," of 20 guns; a vessel called the "Shirley," 
commanded by Captain Rous, and also carrying 
20 guns ; another, of the kind called a " snow," 
cany ing 16 guns ; one sloop of 12 guns, and two 
of 8 guns each ; the " Boston Packet," of 16 
guns; two sloops from Connecticut of 16 guns 
each ; a privateer hired in Rhode Island, of 20 
guns ; the government sloop " Tartar," of the 
same colony, carrying 14 carriage guns and 12 
swivels ; and, finally, the sloop of 14 guns which 
formed the navy of New Hampshire. 1 

It was said, with apparent reason, that "one or 
two heavy French ships-of-war and a number 
of such was expected in the spring would out- 
match the whole colonial squadron, and, after 
mastering it, would hold all the transports at 
mercy; so that the troops on shore, having no 

1 The list is given by Williamson, II. 227. 

102 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

means of return and no hope of succor, would be 
forced to surrender or starve. ^The danger was 
real and serious, and Shirley felt the necessity of 
help from a few British ships-of-war. Commodore 
Peter "Warren was then with a small squadron at 
Antigua. Shirley sent an express boat to him with 
a letter stating the situation and asking his aid. 
Warren, who had married an American woman 
and who owned large tracts of land on the Mo- 
hawk, was known to be a warm friend to the 
provinces. It is clear that he would gladly have 
complied with Shirley's request ; but when he laid 
the question before a council of officers, they were 
of one mind that without orders from the Ad- 
miralty he would not be justified in supporting an 
attempt made without the approval of the King. 1 
He therefore saw no choice but to decline. Shirley, 
fearing that his refusal would be too discouraging, 
kept it secret from all but Pepperrell and General 
Wolcott, or, as others say, Brigadier Waldo. He 
had written to the Duke of Newcastle in the preced- 
ing autumn that Acadia and the fisheries were in 
great danger, and that ships-of-war were needed for 
their protection. On this, the Duke had written to 
Warren, ordering him to sail for Boston and con- 
cert measures with Shirley " for the annoyance of 
the enemy, and his Majesty's service in North 
America." 2 Newcastle's letter reached Warren 
only two or three days after he had sent back his 
refusal of Shirley's request. Thinking himself now 

1 Memoirs of the Principal Transactions of the Last War, 44. 

2 Ibid., 46. Letters of Shirley (Public Record Office). 


sufficiently authorized to give the desired aid, he 
made all sail for Boston with his three ships, the 
" Superbe," " Mermaid," and " Launceston." On 
the way he met a schooner from Boston, and 
learned from its officers that the expedition had 
already sailed ; on which, detaining the master as 
a pilot, he changed his course and made directly 
for Canseau, the place of rendezvous of the ex- 
pedition, and at the same time sent orders by the 
schooner that any King's ships that might arrive 
at Boston should immediately join him. 

Within seven weeks after Shirley issued his 
- proclamation for volunteers, the preparations were 
all made, and the unique armament was afloat. 
Transports, such as they were, could be had in 
abundance ; for the harbors of Salem and Marble- 
head were full of fishing-vessels thrown out of 
employment by the war. These were hired and 
insured by the province for the security of the 
owners. There was a great dearth of cannon. 
The few that could be had were too light, the 
heaviest being of twenty-two-pound calibre. New 
York lent ten eighteen-pounders to the expedition. 
But the adventurers looked to the French for their 
chief supply. A detached work near Louisbourg, 
called the Grand, or Royal, Battery, was known 
to be armed with thirty heavy pieces ; and these 
it was proposed to capture and turn against 
the town, which, as Hutchinson remarks, was 
" like selling the skin of the bear before catch- 
ing him." 

It was clear that the expedition must run for 

104 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

luck against risks of all kinds. Those whose 
hopes were highest, based them on a belief in the 
special and direct interposition of Providence ; 
others were sanguine through ignorance and pro- 
vincial self-conceit.' As soon as the troops were 
embarked, Shirley wrote to the ministers of what 
was going on, telling them that, accidents apart, 
four thousand New England men would land on 
Cape Breton in April, and that, even should they 
fail to capture Louisbourg, he would answer for it 
that they would lay the town in ruins, retake 
Canseau, do other good service to his Majesty, and 
then come safe home. 1 'On receiving this com- 
munication, the Government resolved to aid the 
enterprise if there should yet be time, and accord- 
ingly ordered several ships-of-war to sail foi 

The sarcastic Dr. Douglas, then living at Boston, 
writes that the expedition had a lawyer for con- 
triver, a merchant for general, and farmers, fisher- 
men, and mechanics for soldiers. In fact, it had 
something of the character of broad farce, to which 
Shirley himself, with all his ability and general 
good sense, was a chief contributor. He wrote to 
the Duke of Newcastle that though the officers had 
no experience and the men no discipline, he would 
take care to provide against these defects,' mean- 
ing that he would give exact directions how to take 
Louisbourg. Accordingly, he drew up copious 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 24 March, 1745. The ministry was not wholly 
unprepared for this announcement, as Shirley had before reported to it 
the vote of his Assembly consenting to the expedition. Shirley to New 
castle, 1 Feb. 1745. 


instructions to that effect. These seem to have 
undergone a process of evolution, for several dis-* 
tinct drafts of them are preserved. 1 The complete 
and final one is among the Pepperrell Papers, 
copied entire in the neat, commercial hand of the 
General himself. 2 It seems to assume that Provi- 
dence would work a continued miracle, and on 
every occasion supply the expedition with weather 
precisely suited to its wants. " It is thought," says 
this singular document, " that Louisbourg may be 
surprised if they [the French] have no advice of 
your coming. To effect it you must time your 
arrival about nine of the clock in the evening, 
taking care that the fleet be far enough in the 
offing to prevent their being seen from the town in 
the daytime." He then goes on to prescribe how 
the troops are to land, after dark, at a place called 
Flat Point Cove, in four divisions, three of which 
are to march to the back of certain hills a mile 
and a half west of the town, where two of the 
three " are to halt and keep a profound silence ; " 
the third continuing its march "under cover of the 

1 The first draft of Shirley's instructions for taking Louisbourg is in 
the large manuscript volume entitled Siege of Louisbourg, in the library of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society. The document is called Mem" for 
the attacking of Louisbourg this Spring by Surprise. After giving minute 
instructions for every movement, it goes on to say that, as the surprise may 
possibly fail, it will be necessary to send two small mortars and twelve 
cannon carrying nine-pound balls, " so as to bombard them and endeavour 
to make Breaches in their walls and then to Storm them." Shirley was 
soon to discover the absurdity of trying to breach the walls of Louisbourg 
with nine-pounders. 

2 It is printed in the first volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts 
Historical Societu. Shirley was so well pleased with it that he sent it to 
the Duke of Newcastle enclosed in his letter of 1 Feb. 1745 (Public 
Record Office). 

106 A MAD SCHEME. [1745. 

said hills," till it comes opposite the Grand 
Battery, which it will attack at a concerted 
signal ; while one of the two divisions behind the 
hills assaults the west gate, and the other moves 
up to support the attack. 

While this is going on, the soldiers of the fourth 
division are to march with all speed along the shore 
till they come to a certain part of the town wall, 
which they are to scale ; then proceed " as fast as 
can be " to the citadel and " secure the windows 
of the Governor's apartments." After this follow 
page after page of complicated details which must 
have stricken the General with stupefaction. The 
rocks, surf, fogs, and gales of that tempestuous 
coast are all left out of the account ; and so, too, 
is the nature of the country, which consists of deep 
marshes, rocky hills, and hollows choked with 
evergreen thickets. Yet a series of complex and 
mutually dependent operations, involving long 
marches through this rugged and pathless region, 
was to be accomplished, in the darkness of one 
April night, by raw soldiers who knew nothing 
of the country. This rare specimen of amateur 
soldiering is redeemed in some measure by a post- 
script in which the Governor sets free the hands 
of the General, thus : " Notwithstanding the in- 
structions you have received from me, I must leave 
you to act, upon unforeseen emergencies, according 
to your best discretion." 

On the 24th of March, the fleet, consisting of 
about ninety transports, escorted by the provincial 
cruisers, sailed from Nantasket Roads, followed by 


prayers and benedictions, and also by toasts drunk 
with cheers, in bumpers of rum punch. 1 

1 The following letter from John Payne of Boston to Colonel Robert 
Hale, of the Essex regiment, while it gives no sign of the prevailing 
religious feeling, illustrates the ardor of the New England people towards 
their rash adventure : 

BOSTON, Apr. 24, 1745. 

I hope this will find you at Louisbourg with a Bowl of Punch a Pipe 
and a P k of C ds in your hand and whatever else you desire (I had 
forgot to mention a Pretty French Madammoselle). We are very Im- 
patiently expecting to hear from you, your Friend Luke has lost several 
Beaver Hatts already concerning the Expedition, he is so very zealous 
about it that he has turned Poor Boutier out of his House for saying he 

believed you would not Take the Place. Damn his Blood says Luke, 

let him be an Englishman or a Frenchman and not pretend to be an Eng- 
lishman when he is a Frenchman in his Heart. If drinking to your success 
would Take Cape Briton, you must be in Possession of it now, for it 's a 
standing Toast. I think the least thing you Military Gent" can do is to 
send us some arrack when you take ye Place to celebrate your Victory and 
not to force us to do it in Rum Punch or Luke's bad wine or sour cyder. 

To Collonell Robert Hale 
at (or near) Louisbourg. 

I am indebted for a copy of this curious letter to Robert Hale 
Bancroft, Esq., a descendant of Colonel Hale. 








board one of the transports was Seth Pomeroy, 
gunsmith at Northampton, and now major of 
Willard's Massachusetts regiment. He had a 
turn for soldiering, and fought, ten years later, 
in the battle of Lake George. Again, twenty 
years later still, when Northampton was astir 
with rumors of war from Boston, he borrowed a 
neighbor's horse, rode a hundred miles, reached 
Cambridge on the morning of the battle of Bun- 
ker Hill, left his borrowed horse out of the way 
of harm, walked over Charlestown Neck, then 
swept by the fire of the ships-of-war, and reached 
the scene of action as the British were forming 
for the attack. When Israel Putnam, his com- 
rade in the last war, saw from the rebel breast- 
work the old man striding, gun in hand, up the 
hill, he shouted, " By God, Pomeroy, you here ! 

1745.] SETH POMEKOY. 109 

A cannon-shot would waken you out of your 
grave ! " * 

But Pomeroy, with other landsmen, crowded 
in the small and malodorous fishing-vessels that 
were made to serve as transports, was now in 
the gripe of the most unheroic of maladies. " A 
terrible northeast storm " had fallen upon them, 
and, he says, " we lay rolling in the seas, with 
our sails furled, among prodigious waves." "Sick, 
day and night," writes the miserable gunsmith, 
" so bad that I have not words to set it forth." * 
The gale increased and the fleet was scattered, 
there being, as a Massachusetts private soldier 
writes in his diary, " a very fierse Storm of Snow, 
som Rain and very Dangerous weather to be so 
nigh ye Shore as we was ; but we escaped the 
Rocks, and that was all." 2 

On Friday, April 5th, Pomeroy's vessel entered 
the harbor of Canseau, about fifty miles from 
Louisbourg. Here was the English fishing-hamlet, 
the seizure of which by the French had first pro- 
voked the expedition. The place now quietly 
changed ha-nds again. Sixty-eight of the trans- 
ports lay here at anchor, and the rest came drop- 
ping in from day to day, sorely buffeted, but all 
safe. On Sunday there was a great concourse to 
hear Parson Moody preach an open-air sermon 
from the text, " Thy people shall be willing in the 
day of thy power," concerning which occasion the 

1 Diary of Major Seth Pomeroy. I owe the copy before me to the 
kindness of his descendant, Theodore Pomeroy, Esq. 

2 Diary of a Massachusetts soldier in Captain Richardson's company 
(Papers of Dr. Belknap). 


soldier diarist observes, " Several sorts of Bus- 
nesses was Going on, Som a Exercising, Som 
a Hearing Preaching." The attention of Par- 
son Moody's listeners was, in fact, distracted by 
shouts of command and the awkward drill of 
squads of homespun soldiers on the adjacent 

Captain Ammi Cutter, with two companies, was 
ordered to remain at Canseau and defend it from 
farther vicissitudes ; to which end a blockhouse was 
also built, and mounted with eight small cannon. 
Some of the armed vessels had been sent to cruise 
off Louisbourg, which they did to good purpose, 
and presently brought in six French prizes, with 
supplies for the fortress. On the other hand, 
they brought the ominous news that Louisbourg 
and the adjoining bay were so blocked with ice 
that landing was impossible. This was a serious 
misfortune, involving long delay, and perhaps ruin 
to the expedition, as the expected ships-of-war 
might arrive meanwhile from France. Indeed, 
they had already begun to appear. On Thursday, 
the 18th, heavy cannonading was heard far out 
at sea, and again on Friday a the cannon," says 
Pomeroy, " fired at a great rate till 'about 2 
of the clock." It was the provincial cruisers 
attacking a French frigate, the " Renommee," 
of thirty-six guns. As their united force was too 
much for her, she kept up a running fight, out- 
sailed them, and escaped after a chase of more 
than thirty hours, being, as Pomeroy quaintly 
observes, " a smart ship." She carried despatches 


to the Governor of Louisbourg, and being unable 
to deliver them, sailed back for France to report 
what she had seen. 

On Monday, the 22d, a clear, cold, windy day, 
a large ship, under British colors, sailed into the 
harbor, and proved to be the frigate " Eltham," 
escort to the annual mast fleet from New Eng- 
land. On orders from Commander Warren she 
had left her charge in waiting, and sailed for 
Canseau to join the expedition, bringing the un- 
expected and welcome news that Warren himself 
would soon follow. On the next day, to the 
delight of all, he appeared in the ship " Superbe," 
of sixty guns, accompanied by the " Launceston " 
and the "Mermaid," of forty guns each. Here 
was force enough to oppose any ships likely to 
come to the aid of Louisbourg ; and Warren, after 
communicating with Pepperrell, sailed to block- 
ade the port, along with the provincial cruisers, 
which, by order of Shirley, were placed under 
his command. 

The transports lay at Canseau nearly three 
weeks, waiting for the ice to break up. The 
time was passed in drilling the raw soldiers and 
forming them into divisions of four and six him' 
dred each, according to the directions of Shirley. 
At length, on Friday, the 27th, they heard that 
Gabarus Bay was free from ice, and on the morn- 
ing of the 29th, with the first fair wind, they 
sailed out of Canseau harbor, expecting to reach 
Louisbourg at nine in the evening, as prescribed 
in the Governor's receipt for taking Louisbourg 


"while the enemy were asleep." 1 But a lull in 
the wind defeated this plan ; and after sailing 
all day, they found themselves becalmed towards 
night. It was not till the next morning that 
they could see the town, no very imposing spec- 
tacle, for the buildings, with a few exceptions, were 
small, and the massive ramparts that belted them 
round rose to no conspicuous height. 

Louisbourg stood on a tongue of land which 
lay between its harbor and the sea, and the end 
of which was prolonged eastward by reefs and 
shoals that partly barred the entrance to the port, 
leaving a navigable passage not half a mile wide. 
This passage was commanded by a powerful bat- 
tery called the " Island Battery," being upon a 
small rocky island at the west side of the channel, 
and was also secured by another detached work 
called the " Grand," or " Royal Battery," which 
stood on the shore of the harbor, opposite the 
entrance, and more than a mile from the town. 
Thus a hostile squadron trying to force its way 
in would receive a flank fire from the one battery, 
and a front fire from the other. The strongest 
line of defence of the fortress was drawn across 
the base of the tongue of land from the harbor 
on one side to the sea on the other, a distance 
of about twelve hundred yards. The ditch was 
eighty feet wide and from thirty to thirty-six feet 
deep ; and the rampart, of earth faced with ma- 
sonry, was about sixty feet thick. The glacis 
sloped down to a vast marsh, which formed one 

1 The words quoted are used by General Wolcott in his journal. 


A Landing of New England Men. 

B Camp of Burr's Regiment. 

C " " Pepperrell's " 

D " Willard's 

E " " Moulton's " 

F " Moore's " 

6? First, or Green Hill Battery. 

H Second Battery. 

I Third Battery. 

J Fourth, or Advanced Battery. 

K Fifth, or Titcomb's Battery. 

L Lighthouse Battery. 

M Island Battery (French). 

N Grand, or Royal Battery (French). 


P King's Bastion, or Citadel. 

Q Barachois. 

R West Gate. 

S South Gate. 

T Maurepas Gate. 


of the best defences of the place. The fortress, 
without counting its outworks, had embrasures 
for one hundred and forty-eight cannon ; but the 
number in position was much less, and is variously 
stated. Pomeroy says that at the end of the 
siege a little above ninety were found, with " a 
great number of swivels ; " others say seventy-six. 1 
In the Grand and Island batteries there were 
sixty heavy pieces more. Against this formidable 
armament the assailants had brought thirty-four 
cannon and mortars, of much inferior weight, to 
be used in bombarding' the fortress, should they 
chance to fail of carrying it by surprise, " while 
the enemy were asleep." 2 Apparently they dis- 
trusted the efficacy of their siege-train, though it 
was far stronger than Shirley had at first thought 
sufficient ; for they brought with them good store 
of balls of forty-two pounds, to be used in French 
cannon of that calibre which they expected to 
capture, their own largest pieces being but twen- 

According to the Habitant de Louisbourg, the 
garrison consisted of five hundred and sixty regu- 
lar troops, of whom several companies were Swiss, 
besides some thirteen or fourteen hundred militia, 
inhabitants partly of the town, and partly of 
neighboring settlements. 3 The regulars were in 

1 Brown, Cape Breton, 183. Parsons, Life of Pepperrell, 103. An 
anonymous letter, dated Louisbourg, 4 July, 1 745, says that eighty-five 
cannon and six mortars have been found in the town. 

2 Memoirs of the Principal Transactions of the Last War, 40. 

8 " On fit venir cinq ou six cens Miliciens aux Habitans des environs ; 
ce qne, avec ceux de la Ville, pouvoit former treize a quatorze cens- 
homines." Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg. This writer says that 
VOL. II. 8 


bad condition. About the preceding Christmas they 
had broken into mutiny, being discontented with 
their rations and exasperated with getting no extra 
pay for work on the fortifications. The affair 
was so serious that though order was restored, 
some of the officers lost all confidence in the 
soldiers ; and this distrust proved most unfortu- 
nate during the siege. The Governor, Chevalier 
Duchambon, successor of Duquesnel, who had 
died in the autumn, was not a man to grapple 
with a crisis, being deficient in decision of char- 
acter, if not in capacity. 

He expected an attack. " We were informed 
of the preparations from the first," says the Ha- 
bitant de Lpuisburg. Some Indians, who had been 
to Boston, carried to Canada the news of what 
was going on there ; but it was not believed, and 
excited no alarm. 1 It was not so at Louisbourg, 
where, says the French writer just quoted, "we 
lost precious moments in useless deliberations and 
resolutions no sooner made than broken. Noth- 
ing to the purpose was done, so that we were as 
much taken by surprise as if the enemy had 
pounced upon us unawares." 

It was about the 25th of March 2 when the gar- 
rison first saw the provincial cruisers hovering off 
the mouth of the harbor. They continued to do so 

three or four hundred more might have been had from Niganiche and 
its neighborhood, if they had been summoned in time. The number of 
militia just after the siege is set by English reports at 1,310. Parsons, 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 17 June, 1745, citing letters captured on board 
a ship from Quebec. 

3 14 March, old style. 

1745.] THE LANDING. 115 

at intervals till daybreak of the 30th of April, 
when the whole fleet of transports appeared stand- 
ing towards Flat Point, which projects into Gabarus 
Bay, three miles west of the town. 1 On this, 
Duchambon sent Morpain, captain of a privateer, 
or "corsair," to oppose the landing. He had 
with him eighty men, and was to be joined by 
forty more, already on the watch near the sup- 
posed point of disembarkation. 2 At the same 
time cannon were fired and alarm bells rung 
in Louisbourg, to call in the militia of the 

Pepperrell managed the critical work of land- 
ing with creditable skill. The rocks and the surf 
were more dangerous than the enemy. Several 
boats, filled with men, rowed towards Flat Point ; 
but on a signal from the flagship " Shirley," rowed 
back again, Morpain flattering himself that his ap- 
pearance had frightened them off. Being joined 
by several other boats, the united party, a hun- 
dred men in all, pulled for another landing-place 
called Fresh-water Cove, or Anse de la Cormoran- 
diere, two miles farther up Gabarus Bay. Morpain 
and his party ran to meet them ; but the boats 
were first in the race, and as soon as the New 
England men got ashore, they rushed upon the 
French, killed six of them, captured as many 
more, including an officer named Boularderie, and 
put the rest to flight, with the loss, on their own 

1 Gabarus Bay, sometimes called " Chapeau Rouge " Bay, is a spacious 
outer harbor, immediately adjoining Louisbourg. 

2 Bigot au Ministre, 1 Aoiit, 1745. 


side, of two men slightly wounded. 1 Further 
resistance to the landing was impossible, for a 
swarm of boats pushed against the rough and 
stony beach, the men dashing through the surf, 
till before night about two thousand were on 
shore. 2 The rest, or about two thousand more, 
landed at their leisure on the next day. 

On the 2d of May Vaughan led four hundred 
men to the hills near the town, and saluted it with 
three cheers, somewhat to the discomposure of 
the French, though they describe the unwelcome 
visitors as a disorderly crowd. Vaughan's next 
proceeding pleased them still less. He marched 
behind the hills, in rear of the Grand Battery, to 
the northeast arm of the harbor, where there were 
extensive magazines of naval stores. These his 
men set on fire, and the pitch, tar, and other com- 
bustibles made a prodigious smoke. He was re- 
turning, in the morning, with a small party of 
followers behind the hills, when coming opposite 
the Grand Battery, and observing it from the 
ridge, he saw neither flag on the flagstaff, nor 
smoke from the barrack chimneys. One of his 
party was a Cape Cod Indian. Vaughan bribed 
him with a flask of brandy which he had in his 
pocket, though, as the clerical historian takes 
pains to assure us, he never used it himself, and 
the Indian, pretending to be drunk, or, as. some 

1 Pepperrellto Shirley, 12 May 1745. Shirley to Newcastle, 28 Oct. 
1745. Journal of the Siege, attested by Pepperrell and four other chief 
officers (London, 1746). 

2 Bigot says six thousand, or two thousand more than the whole New 
England force, which was constantly overestimated by the French. 


say, mad, staggered towards the battery to recon- 
noitre. 1 All was quiet. He clambered in at an 
embrasure, and found the place empty. The rest 
of the party followed, and one of them, William 
Tufts, of Medford, a boy of eighteen, climbed the 
flagstaff, holding in his teeth his red coat, which 
he made fast at the top, as a substitute for the 
British flag, a proceeding that drew upon him a 
volley of unsuccessful cannon-shot from the town 
batteries. 2 

Vaughan then sent this hasty note to Pepper- 
rell : " May it please your Honour to be informed 
that by the grace of God and the courage of 13 
men, I entered the Royal Battery about 9 o'clock, 
and am waiting for a reinforcement and a flag." 
Soon after, four boats, filled with men, approached 
from the town to re-occupy the battery, ' no doubt 
in order to save the munitions and stores, and 
complete the destruction of the cannon. Vaughan 
and his thirteen men, standing on the open beach, 
under the fire of the town and the Island Bat- 
tery, plied the boats with musketry, and kept them 
from landing, till Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet 
appeared with a reinforcement, on which the 
French pulled back to Louisbourg. 8 

The English supposed that the French in the 

1 Belknap, II. 

2 John Langdon Sibley, in N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXV. 377. 
The Boston Gazette of 3 June, 1771, has a notice of Tufts's recent death, 
with an exaggerated account of his exploit, and an appeal for aid to his 
destitute family. 

8 Vaughan's party seems to have consisted in all of sixteen men, three 
of whom took no part in this affair. 


battery, when the clouds of smoke drifted over 
them from the burning storehouses, thought that 
they were to be attacked in force, and abandoned 
their post in a panic. This was not the case. 
" A detachment of the enemy," writes the Habi- 
tant de Louisbourg, " advanced to the neighborhood 
of the Royal Battery." This was Vaughan's four 
hundred on their way to burn the storehouses. 
" At once we were all seized with fright," pursues 
this candid writer, " and on the instant it was pro- 
posed to abandon this magnificent battery, which 
would have been our best defence, if one had 
known how to use it. Various councils were 
held, in a tumultuous way. It would be hard 
to tell the reasons for such a strange proceed- 
ing. Not one shot had yet been fired at the 
battery, which the enemy could not take, except 
by making regular approaches, as if against the 
town itself, and by besieging it, so to speak, in 
form. Some persons remonstrated, but in vain ; 
and so a battery of thirty cannon, which had cost 
the King immense sums, was abandoned before it 
was attacked." 

Duchambon says that soon after the English 
landed, he got a letter from Thierry, the captain in 
command of the Royal Battery, advising that the 
cannon should be spiked and the works blown up. 
It was then, according to the Governor, that the 
council was called, and a unanimous vote passed 
to follow Thierry's advice, on the ground that the 
defences of the battery were in bad condition, 
and that the four hundred men posted there could 

1745.] FRENCH CANNON. 119 

not stand against three or four thousand. 1 The 
engineer, Verrier, opposed the blowing up of the 
works, and they were therefore left untouched. 
Thierry and his garrison came off in boats, after 
spiking the cannon in a hasty way, without stop- 
ping to knock off the trunnions or burn the car- 
riages. They threw their loose gunpowder into 
the well, but left behind a good number of can- 
non cartridges, two hundred and eighty large 
bombshells, and other ordnance stores, invaluable 
both to the enemy and to themselves. Brigadier 
Waldo was sent to occupy the battery with his 
regiment, and Major Seth Pomeroy, the gun- 
smith, with twenty soldier-mechanics, was set at 
drilling out the spiked touch-holes of the cannon. 
These were twenty-eight forty-two-pounders, and 
two eighteen-pounders. 2 Several were ready for 
use the next morning, and immediately opened on 
the town, which, writes a soldier in his diary, 
" damaged the houses and made the women 
cry." " The enemy," says the Habitant de Louis- 
bourg, " saluted us with our own cannon, and 
made a terrific fire, smashing everything within 

1 Duchambon au Ministre, 2 Sept. 1745. This is the Governor's official 
report. " Four hundred men " is perhaps a copyist's error, the actual 
number in the battery being not above two hundred. 

2 Waldo to Shirley, 12 May, 1745. Some of the French writers say 
twenty-eight thirty-six-pounders, while all the English call them forty- 
twos, which they must have been, as the forty-two-pound shot brought 
from Boston fitted them. 

Mr. Theodore Roosevelt draws my attention to the fact that cannon f 
were differently rated in the French and English navies of the seventeenth 
century, and that a French thirty-six carried a ball as large as an English 
forty-two, or even a little larger. 


The English occupation of the Grand Battery 
may be called the decisive event of the siege. 
There seems no doubt that the French could have 
averted the disaster long enough to make it of 
little help to the invaders. The water-front of 
the battery was impregnable. The rear defences 
consisted of a loopholed wall of masonry, with a 
ditch ten feet deep and twelve feet wide, and also 
a covered way and glacis, which General Wolcott 
describes as unfinished. In this he mistook. They 
were not unfinished, but had been partly demol- 
ished, with a view to reconstruction. The rear 
wall was flanked by two towers, which, says Du- 
chambon, were demolished ; but General Wolcott 
declares that swivels were still mounted on them, 1 
and he adds that " two hundred men might hold 
the battery against five thousand without cannon." 
The English landed their cannon near Flat Point ; 
and before they could be turned against the Grand 
Battery, they must be dragged four miles over 
hills and rocks, through spongy marshes and 
jungles of matted evergreens. This would have 
required a week or more. The alternative was an 
escalade, in which the undisciplined assailants 
would no doubt have met a bloody rebuff. Thus 
this Grand Battery, which, says Wolcott, " is in 
fact a fort," might at least have been held long 
enough to save the munitions and stores, and 
effectually disable the cannon, which supplied the 
English with the only artillery they had, com- 
petent to the work before them. The hasty 

1 Journal of Major- General Wolcott. 

l'/45.] THE NEW ENGLAND CAMP. 121 

abandonment of this important post was not 
Duchambon's only blunder, but it was the worst 
of them all. 

On the night after their landing, the New Eng- 
land men slept in the woods, wet or dry, with or 
without blankets, as the case might be, and in 
the morning set themselves to encamping with as 
much order as they were capable of. A brook 
ran down from the hills and entered the sea two 
miles or more from the town. The ground on 
each side, though rough, was high and dry, and 
here most of the regiments made their quarters, 
Willard's, Moulton's, and Moore's on the east 
side, and Burr's and Pepperrell's on the west. 
Those on the east, in some cases, saw fit to extend 
themselves towards Louisbourg as far as the edge 
of the intervening marsh ; but were soon forced 
back to a safer position by the cannon-balls of 
the fortress, which came bowling amongst them. 
This marsh was that green, flat sponge of mud 
and moss that stretched from this point to the 
glacis of Louisbourg. 

There was great want of tents, for material to 
make them was scarce in New England. Old 
sails were often used instead, being stretched over 
poles, perhaps after the fashion of a Sioux teepee. 
When these could not be had, the men built huts 
of sods, with roofs of spruce-boughs overlapping 
like a thatch ; for at that early season, bark 
would not peel from the trees. The landing of 
guns, munitions, and stores was a formidable 
task, consuming many days and destroying many 


boats, as happened again when Amherst landed 
his cannon at this same place. Large flat boats, 
brought from Boston, were used for the purpose, 
and the loads were carried ashore on the heads 
of the men, wading through ice-cold surf to the 
waist, after which, having no change of clothing, 
they slept on the ground through the chill and 
foggy nights, reckless of future rheumatisms. 1 

A worse task was before them. The cannon 
were to be dragged over the marsh to Green Hill, 
a spur of the line of rough heights that half 
encircled the town and harbor. Here the first 
battery was to be planted ; and from this point 
other guns were to be dragged onward to more 
advanced stations, a distance in all of more than 
two miles, thought by the French to be impas- 
sable. So, in fact, it seemed ; for at the first 
attempt, the wheels of the cannon sank to the 
hubs in mud and moss, then the carriage, and 
finally the piece itself slowly disappeared. Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Meserve, of the New Hampshire 
regiment, a ship-builder by trade, presently over- 
came the difficulty. By his direction sledges of 
timber were made, sixteen feet long and five feet 
wide ; a cannon was placed on each of these, and 
it was then dragged over the marsh by a team of 
two hundred men, harnessed with rope-traces and 

1 The author of The Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton says: 
" When the hardships they were exposed to come to be considered, the 
behaviour of these men will hardly gain credit. They went ashore wet, 
had no [dry] clothes to cover them, were exposed in this condition to cold, 
foggy nights, and yet cheerfully underwent these difficulties for the sake 
of executing a project they had voluntarily undertaken." 


breast-straps, and wading to the knees. Horses 
or oxen would have foundered in the mire. The 
way had often to be changed, as the mossy sur- 
face was soon churned into a hopeless slough along 
the line of march. The work could be done only 
at night or in thick fog, the men being com- 
pletely exposed to the cannon of the town. Thir- 
teen years after, when General Amherst besieged 
Louisbourg again, he dragged his cannon to the 
same hill over the same marsh ; but having at his 
command, instead of four thousand militiamen, 
eleven thousand British regulars, with all appli- 
ances and means to boot, he made a road, with 
prodigious labor, through the mire, and protected 
it from the French shot by an epaulement, or 
lateral earthwork. 1 

Pepperrell writes in ardent words of the cheer- 
fulness of his men " under almost incredible hard- 
ships." Shoes and clothing failed, till many were 
in tatters and many barefooted ; 2 yet they toiled 
on with unconquerable spirit, and within four 
days had planted a battery of six guns on Green 
Hill, which was about a mile from the King's 
Bastion of Louisbourg. In another week they 
had dragged four twenty-two-pound cannon and 
ten coehorns gravely called " cowhorns " by the 
bucolic Pomeroy six or seven hundred yards 
farther, and planted them within easy range 
of the citadel. Two of the cannon burst, and 
were replaced by four more and a large mortar, 

1 See Montcalm and Wolfe, chap. xix. 
8 Pepperrell to Newcastle, 28 June, 1745. 


which burst in its turn, and Shirley was begged 
to send another. Meanwhile a battery, chiefly 
of coehorns, had been planted on a hillock four 
hundred and forty yards from the West Gate, 
where it greatly annoyed the French ; and on the 
next night an advanced battery was placed just 
opposite the same gate, and scarcely two hundred 
and fifty yards from it. This West Gate, the 
principal gate of Louisbourg, opened upon the 
tract of high, firm ground that lay on the left of 
the besiegers, between the marsh and the harbor, 
an arm of which here extended westward beyond 
the town, into what was called the Barachois, 
a salt pond formed by a projecting spit of sand. 
On the side of the Barachois farthest from the 
town was a hillock on which stood the house of an 
habitant named Martissan. Here, on the 20th of 
May, a fifth battery was planted, consisting of two 
of the French forty-two-pounders taken in the 
Grand Battery, to which three others were after- 
wards added. Each of these heavy pieces was 
dragged to its destination by a team of three 
hundred men over rough and rocky ground swept 
by the French artillery. This fifth battery, called 
the Northwest, or Titcomb's, proved most destruc- 
tive to the fortress. 1 

All these operations were accomplished with 
the utmost ardor and energy, but with a scorn 
of rule and precedent that astonished and bewil- 

1 Journal of the S!ege, appended to Shirley's report to Newcastle; 
Duchambon au Ministre, 2 Sept. 1745; Lettre d'un Habitant; Pomeroy, 


dered the French. The raw New England men 
went their own way, laughed at trenches and zig- 
zags, and persisted in trusting their lives to the 
night and the fog. Several writers say that the 
English engineer Bastide tried to teach them 
discretion ; but this could hardly be, for Bastide, 
whose station was Annapolis, did not reach Louis- 
bourg till the 5th of June, when the batteries were 
finished and the siege was nearly ended. A recent 
French writer makes the curious assertion that it 
was one of the ministers, or army chaplains, who 
took upon him the vain task of instruction in 
the art of war on this occasion. 1 

This ignorant and self-satisfied recklessness 
might have cost the besiegers dear if the French, 
instead of being perplexed and startled at the nov- 
elty of their proceedings, had taken advantage of 
it ; but Duchambon and some of his officers, re- 
membering the mutiny of the past winter, feared 
to make sorties, lest the soldiers might desert or 
take part with the enemy. The danger of this 
appears to have been small. Warren speaks with 
wonder in his letters of the rarity of desertions, 
of which there appear to have been but three 
during the siege, one being that of a half-idiot, 
from whom no information could be got. A bolder 
commander would not have stood idle while his 
own cannon were planted by the enemy to batter 
down his walls ; and whatever the risks of a sortie, 

1 Ferland, Cours d'Histoire du Canada, II. 477. " L'ennemi ne nona 
attaquoit point dans les formes, et ne pratiquoit point aucun retranche- 
ment pour se couvrir." Habitant de Louisbourg. 


the risks of not making one were greater. " Both 
troops and militia eagerly demanded it, and I 
believe it would have succeeded," writes the In- 
tendant, Bigot. 1 The attempt was actually made 
more than once in a half-hearted way, notably 
on the 8th of May, when the French attacked the 
most advanced battery, and were repulsed, with 
little loss on either side. 

The Habitant de Louisbourg says : " The enemy 
did not attack us with any regularity, and made 
no intrenchments to cover themselves." This last 
is not exact. Not being wholly demented, they 
made intrenchments, such as they were, at least 
at the advanced battery; 2 as they would other- 
wise have been swept out of existence, being under 
the concentred fire of several French batteries, two 
of which were within the range of a musket shot. 

The scarcity of good gunners was one of the 
chief difficulties of the besiegers. As privateering, 
and piracy also, against Frenchmen and Spaniards 
was a favorite pursuit in New England, there were 
men in Pepperrell's army who knew how to handle 
cannon ; but their number was insufficient, and 
the General sent a note to Warren, begging that 
he would lend him a few experienced gunners to 
teach their trade to the raw hands at the batteries. 
Three or four were sent, and they found apt pupils. 

Pepperrell placed the advanced battery in charge 
of Captain Joseph 8 Sherburn, telling him to enlist 

1 Bigot au Ministre, \ Aout, 1745. 

3 Diary of Joseph Sherburn, Captain at the Advanced I^ittcn/. 
8 He signs his name Jos. Sherbnrn , but in a list of the officers of the 
New Hampshire Regiment it appears in full as Joseph. 



A Dauphin's Bastion and West <jate. 

B King's Bastion, or Citadel. 

C Queen's Bastion. 

D Princess's Bastion and South Gate. 

E Maurepas Bastion and East Gate. 

1111 Glacis. 

222 Ditch. 


as many gunners as he could. On the next day 
Sherburn reported that he had found six, one of 
whom seems to have been sent by Warren. With 
these and a number of raw men he repaired to 
his perilous station, where " I found," he says, " a 
very poor intrenchment. Our best shelter from 
the French fire, which was very hot, was hogsheads 
filled with earth." He and his men made the West 
Gate their chief mark ; but before they could get 
a fair sight of it, they were forced to shoot down 
the fish-flakes, or stages for drying cod, that ob- 
structed the view. Some of their party were 
soon killed, Captain Pierce by a cannon-ball, 
Thomas Ash by a " bumb," and others by mus- 
ketry. In the night they improved their de- 
fences, and mounted on them three more guns, 
one of eighteen-pound calibre, and the others 
of forty-two, French pieces dragged from the 
Grand Battery, a mile and three quarters round 
the Barachois. 

The cannon could be loaded only under a con- 
stant fire of musketry, which the enemy briskly 
returned. The French practice was excellent. A 
soldier who in bravado mounted the rampart and 
stood there for a moment, was shot dead with 
five bullets. The men on both sides called to each 
other in scraps of bad French or broken Eng- 
lish ; while the French drank ironical healths to 
the New England men, and gave them bantering 
invitations to breakfast. 

Sherburn continues his diary. " Sunday morn- 
ing. Began our fire with as much fury as possible, 


and the French returned it as warmly from the 
Citidale [citadel], West Gate, and North East Bat- 
tery with Cannon, Mortars, and continual showers 
of musket balls ; but by 11 o'clock we had beat 
them all from their guns." He goes on to say 
that at noon his men were forced to stop firing 
from want of powder, that he went with his gun- 
ners to get some, and that while they were gone, 
somebody, said to be Mr. Vaughan, brought a sup- 
ply, on which the men loaded the forty-two-pound- 
ers in a bungling way, and fired them. One was 
dismounted, and the other burst ; a barrel and a 
half-barrel of powder blew up, killed two men, and 
injured two more. Again : " Wednesday. Hot 
fire on both sides, till the French were beat from 
all their guns. May 29th went to 2 Gun [Tit- 
comb's] Battery to give the gunners some direc- 
tions ; then returned to my own station, where I 
spent the rest of the day with pleasure, seeing our 
Shott Tumble down their walls and Flagg Staff." 

The following is the Tntendant Bigot's account 
of the effect of the New England fire : " The enemy 
established their batteries to such effect that they 
soon destroyed the greater part of the town, broke 
the right flank of the King's Bastion, ruined the 
Dauphin Battery with its spur, and made a breach 
at the Porte Dauphine [West Gate], the neighboring 
wall, and the sort of redan adjacent." Ducham- 
bon says in addition that the cannon of the right 
flank of the King's Bastion could not be served, by 
reason of the continual fire of the enemy, which 

1 Bigot au Ministre, 1 Aout, 1745. 

1745.] CAMP FROLICS. 129 

broke the embrasures to pieces; that when he 
had them repaired, they were broken to pieces 
(demantibules) again, and nobody could keep his 
ground behind the wall of the quay, which was 
shot through and through and completely riddled. 1 
The town was ploughed with cannon-balls, the 
streets were raked from end to end, nearly all the 
houses damaged, and the people driven for refuge 
into the stifling casemates. The results were 
creditable to novices in gunnery. 

The repeated accidents from the bursting of can- 
non were no doubt largely due to unskilful load- 
ing and the practice of double-shotting, to which 
the over-zealous artillerists are said to have often 
resorted. 2 

It is said, in proof of the orderly conduct of the 
men, that not one of them was punished during all 
the siege ; but this shows the mild and conciliating 
character of the General quite as much as any 
peculiar merit of the soldiers. The state of things 
in and about the camp was compared by the 
caustic Dr. Douglas to " a Cambridge Commence- 
ment," which academic festival was then attended 
by much rough frolic and boisterous horseplay 
among the disorderly crowds, white and black, 

1 Duchambon au Ministre, 2 Sept. 1745. 

2 " Another forty-two-pound gun burst at the Grand Battery. All the 
guns are in danger of going the same way, by double-shotting them, unless 
under better regulation than at present." Waldo to Pepperrell, 20 May, 

Waldo had written four days before : " Captain Hale, of my regiment, is 
dangerously hurt by the bursting of another gun. He was our mainstay 
for gunnery since Captain Rhodes's misfortune" (also caused by the 
bursting of a cannon). Waldo to Pepperrell, 16 May, 1745. 

VOL. II. 9 


bond and free, who swarmed among the booths on 
Cambridge Common. The careful and scrupulous 
Belknap, who knew many who took part in the 
siege, says : " Those who were on the spot have 
frequently, in my hearing, laughed at the recital 
of their own irregularities, and expressed their 
admiration when they reflected on the almost 
miraculous preservation of the army from destruc- 
tion." While the cannon bellowed in the front, 
frolic and confusion reigned at the camp, where 
the men raced, wrestled, pitched quoits, fired at 
marks, though there was no ammunition to 
spare, and ran after the French cannon-balls, 
which were carried to the batteries, to be returned 
to those who sent them. Nor were calmer recrea- 
tions wanting. " Some of our men went a fishing, 
about 2 miles off," writes Lieutenant Benjamin 
Cleaves in his diary : " caught 6 Troutts." And, 
on the same day, " Our men went to catch Lob- 
sters : caught 30." In view of this truant dispo- 
sition, it is not surprising that the besiegers now 
and then lost their scalps at the hands of prow- 
ling Indians who infested the neighborhood. Yet 
through all these gambols ran an undertow of 
enthusiasm, born in brains still fevered from the 
" Great Awakening." The New England soldier, 
a growth of sectarian hotbeds, fancied that he 
was doing the work of God. The army was Israel, 
and the French were Canaanitish idolaters. Red- 
hot Calvinism, acting through generations, had 
modified the transplanted Englishman ; and the 
descendant of the Puritans was never so well 


pleased as when teaching their duty to other peo- 
ple, whether by pen, voice, or bombshells. The 
ragged artillerymen, battering the walls of pa- 
pistical Louisbourg, flattered themselves with the 
notion that they were champions of gospel truth. 

Barefoot and tattered, they toiled on with in- 
domitable pluck and cheerfulness, doing the work-, 
which oxen could not do, with no comfort but their 
daily dram of New England rum, as they plodded 
through the marsh and over rocks, dragging the 
ponderous guns through fog and darkness. Their 
spirit could not save them from the effects of ex- 
cessive fatigue and exposure. They were ravaged 
with diarrhoea and fever, till fifteen hundred men 
were at one time on the sick-list, and at another, 
Pepperrell reported that of the four thousand only 
about twenty-one hundred were fit for duty. 1 
Nearly all at last recovered, for the weather was 
unusually good ; yet the number fit for service was 
absurdly small. Pepperrell begged for reinforce- 
ments, but got none till the siege was ended. 

It was not his nature to rule with a stiff hand, 
and this, perhaps, was fortunate. Order and 
discipline, the sinews of an army, were out^of 
the question; and it remained to do as well as 
might be without them, keep men and officers in 
good-humor, and avoid all that could dash their 
ardor. For this, at least, the merchant-general 
was well fitted. His popularity had helped to 
raise the army, and perhaps it helped now to 
make it efficient. His position was no bed of 

l Pepperrell to Warren, 28 May, 1745. 


roses. Worries, small and great, pursued him 
without end. He made friends of his officers, 
kept a bountiful table at his tent, and labored to 
soothe their disputes and jealousies, and satisfy 
their complaints. So generous were his contribu- 
tions to the common cause that according to a 
British officer who speaks highly of his services, 
he gave to it, in one form or another, 10,000 out 
of his own pocket. 1 

His letter-books reveal a swarm of petty annoy- 
ances, which may have tried his strength and 
patience as much as more serious cares. The 
soldiers complained that they were left without 
clothing, shoes, or rum ; and when he implored 
the Committee of War to send them, Osborne, the 
chairman, replied with explanations why it could 
not be done. Letters came from wives and 
fathers entreating that husbands and sons who 
had gone to the war should be sent back. At the 
end of the siege a captain " humble begs leave 
for to go home," because he lives in a very dan- 
gerous country, and his wife and children are " in 
a declining way " without him. Then two entire 
companies raised on the frontier offered the same 
petition on similar grounds. Sometimes Pepper- 
rell was beset with prayers for favors and promo- 
tion ; sometimes with complaints from one corps 
or another that an undue share of work had been 
imposed on it. One Morris, of Cambridge, writes 
a moving petition that his slave " Cuffee," who 

1 Letter from an Officer of Marines, appended to A particular Account 
of the Taking of Cape Breton (London, 1745). 


had joined the army, should be restored to him, 
his lawful master. One John Alford sends the 
General a number of copies of the Reverend Mr. 
Prentice's late sermon, for distribution, assuring 
him that " it will please your whole army of vol- 
unteers, as he has shown them the way to gain 
by their gallantry the hearts and affections of the 
Ladys." The end of the siege brought countless 
letters of congratulation, which, whether lay or 
clerical, never failed to remind him, in set phrases, 
that he was but an instrument in the hands of 

One of his most persistent correspondents was 
his son-in-law, Nathaniel Sparhawk, a thrifty mer- 
chant, with a constant eye to business, who gen- 
erally began his long-winded epistles with a bulle- 
tin concerning the health of " Mother Pepperrell," 
and rarely ended them without charging his father- 
in-law with some commission, such as buying for 
him the cargo of a French prize, if he could get 
it cheap. Or thus : " If you would procure for 
me a hogshead of the best Clarett, and a hogshead 
of the best white wine, at a reasonable rate, it 
would be very grateful to me." After pestering 
him with a few other commissions, he tells him 
that " Andrew and Bettsy [children of Pepper- 
rell] send their proper compliments," and signs 
himself, with the starched flourish of provincial 
breeding, "With all possible Respect, Honoured 
Sir, Your Obedient Son and Servant." 1 Pepper- 

1 Sparhawk to Pepperrell, June, 1745. This is but one of many 
letters from Sparhawk. 


rell was much annoyed by the conduct of the 
masters of the transports, of whom he wrote : 
" The unaccountable irregular behaviour of these 
fellows is the greatest fatigue I meet with ; " but 
it may be doubted whether his son-in-law did not 
prove an equally efficient persecutor. 








FREQUENT councils of war were held in solemn 
form at headquarters. On the 7th of May a sum- 
mons to surrender was sent to Duchambon, who 
replied that he would answer with his cannon. 
Two days after, we find in the record of the coun- 
cil the following startling entry : " Advised unani- 
mously that the Town of Louisbourg be attacked 
by storm this Night." Vaughan was a member 
of the board, and perhaps his impetuous rashness 
had turned the heads of his colleagues. To storm 
the fortress at that time would have been a des- 
perate attempt for the best-trained and best-led 
troops. There was as yet no breach in the walls, 
nor the beginning of one ; and the French were so 
confident in the strength of their fortifications 
that they boasted that women alone could defend 


them- Nine in ten of the men had no bayonets, 1 
many had no shoes, and it is said that the scaling- 
ladders they had brought from Boston were ten 
feet too short. 2 Perhaps it was unfortunate for 
the French that the army was more prudent than 
its leaders ; and another council being called on the 
same day, it was " Advised, That, inasmuch as 
there appears a great Dissatisfaction in many of 
the officers and Soldiers at the designed attack of 
the Town by Storm this Night, the said Attack be 
deferred for the present." 3 

Another plan was adopted, hardly less critical, 
though it found favor with the army. This was 
the assault of the Island Battery, which closed 
the entrance of the harbor to the British squadron, 
and kept it open to ships from France. Nobody 
knew precisely how to find the two landing-places 
of this formidable work, which were narrow gaps 
between rocks lashed with almost constant surf ; 
but Vaughan would see no difficulties, and wrote to 
Pepperrell that if he would give him the command 
and leave him to manage the attack in his own 
way, he would engage to send the French flag to 
headquarters within forty-eight hours. 4 On the 
next day he seems to have thought the command 
assured to him, and writes from the Grand Bat- 
tery that the carpenters are at work mending' 
whale-boats and making paddles, asking at the 
same time for plenty of pistols and one hundred 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 7 June, 1745. 

3 Douglas, Summary, I. 347. 

8 Record of the Council of War, 9 May, 1745. 

4 Vaughan to Peppered, 11 May, 1745. 


hand-grenades, with men who know how to use 
them. 1 The weather proved bad, and the attempt 
was deferred. This happened several times, till 
Warren grew impatient, and offered to support 
the attack with two hundred sailors. 

At length, on the 23d, the volunteers for the 
perilous enterprise mustered at the Grand Bat- 
tery, whence the boats were to set out. Briga- 
dier Waldo, who still commanded there, saw them 
with concern and anxiety, as they came drop- 
ping in in small squads, without officers, noisy, 
disorderly, and, in some cases, more or less drunk. 
" I doubt,'* he told the General, " whether strag- 
gling fellows, three, four, or seven out of a com- 
pany, ought to go on such a service." 2 A bright 
moon and northern lights again put off the attack. 
The volunteers remained at the Grand Battery, 
waiting for better luck. " They seem to be im- 
patient for action," writes Waldo. " If there were 
a more' regular appearance, it would give me 
greater satty sf action. " 8 On the 26th their wish 
for action was fully gratified. The night was 
still and dark, and the. boats put out from the 
battery towards twelve o'clock, with about three 
hundred men on board. 4 These were to be 
joined by a hundred or a hundred and fifty more 
from Gorham's regiment, then stationed at Light- 
house Point. The commander was not Vaughan, 

1 Vaughan to Pepperdl, 12 May, 1745. 

2 Waldo to Pepperell, 23 Hay, 1745. 
8 Ibid., 26 May, 1745. 

* " There is scarce three hundred men on this atact [attack], so there 
will be a sufficient number of Whail boats." Ibid., 26 May, 10J p.m. 


but one Brooks, the choice of the men them- 
selves, as were also his subordinates. 1 They moved 
slowly, the boats being propelled, not by oars, but 
by paddles, which, if skilfully used, would make no 
noise. The wind presently rose ; and when they 
found a landing-place, the surf was lashing the 
rocks with even more than usual fury. There was 
room for but three boats at once between the 
breakers on each hand. They pushed in, and 
the men scrambled ashore with what speed they 

The Island Battery was a strong work, walled 
in on all sides, garrisoned by a hundred and 
eighty men, and armed with thirty cannon, seven 
swivels, and two mortars. 2 It was now a little 
after midnight. Captain d'Aillebout, the com- 
mandant, was on the watch, pacing the battery 
platform ; but he seems to have seen nothing 
unusual till about a hundred and fifty men 
had got on shore, when they had the folly to 
-announce their presence by three cheers. Then, 
in the words of General Wolcott, the battery 
" blazed with cannon, swivels, and small-arms." 
The crowd of boats, dimly visible through the 
darkness, as they lay just off the landing, wait- 

1 The list of a company of forty-two "subscribers to go voluntarily 
upon an attack against the Island Battery " is preserved. It includes a 
negro called "Ruben." The captain, chosen by the men, was Daniel 
Bacon. The fact that neither this name nor that of Brooks, the chief 
commander, is to be found in the list of commissioned officers of 
Pepperrell's little army (see Parsons, Life of Pepperell, Appendix) sug- 
gests the conclusion that the " subscribers " were permitted to choose 
officers from their own ranks. This list, however is not quite complete. 

3 Journal of the Siege, appended to Shirley's report. 

1745.] THE ATTACK. 139 

ing their turn to go in, were at once the target 
for volleys of grape-shot, langrage-shot, and mus- 
ket-balls, of which the men on shore had also 
their share. These succeeded, however, in plant- 
ing twelve scaling-ladders against the wall. 1 It 
is said that some of them climbed into the 
place, and the improbable story is told that 
Brooks, their commander, was hauling down the 
French flag when a Swiss grenadier cut him 
down with a cutlass. 2 Many of the boats were 
shattered or sunk, while those in the rear, seeing 
the state of things, appear to have sheered off. 
The affair was soon reduced to an exchange of 
shots between the garrison and the men who 
had landed, and who, standing on the open ground 
without the walls, were not wholly invisible, while 
the French, behind their ramparts, were com- 
pletely hidden. " The fire of the English," says 
Bigot, "was extremely obstinate, but without ef- 
fect, as they could not see to take aim." They 
kept it up till daybreak, or about two hours and 
a half ; and then, seeing themselves at the mercy 
of the French, surrendered to the number of one 
hundred and nineteen, including the wounded, 
three or more of whom died almost immediately. 
By the most trustworthy accounts the English loss 
in killed, drowned, and captured was one hundred 

1 Duchambon au Ministre, 2 Sept. 1745. Bigot au Ministre, 1 Aout. 

8 The exploit of the boy William Tufts in climbing the French flag- 
staff and hanging his red coat at the top as a substitute for the British 
flag, has also been said to have taken place on this occasion. It was, as 
before mentioned, at the Grand Battery. 


and eighty-nine ; or, in the words of Pepperrell, 
" nearly half our party." 1 Disorder, precipita- 
tion, and weak leadership ruined what hopes the 
attempt ever had. 

As this was the only French success during 
the siege, Duchambon makes the most of it. He 
reports that the battery was attacked by a thou- 
sand men, supported by eight hundred more, who 
were afraid to show themselves ; and, farther, that 
there were thirty-five boats, all of which were 
destroyed or sunk, 2 though he afterwards says 
that two of them got away with thirty men, being 
all that were left of the thousand. Bigot, more 
moderate, puts the number of assailants at five 
hundred, of whom he says that all perished, 
except the one hundred and nineteen who were 
captured. 3 

At daybreak Louisbourg rang with shouts of 
triumph. It was plain that a disorderly militia 
could not capture the Island Battery. Yet cap- 
tured or silenced it must be ; and orders were given 
to plant a battery against it at Lighthouse Point, 
on the eastern side of the harbor's mouth, at 
the distance of a short half mile. The neigh- 
boring shore was rocky and almost inaccessible. 
Cannon and mortars were carried in boats to the 
nearest landing-place, hauled up a steep cliff, 

1 Douglas makes it a little less. " We lost in this mad frolic sixty 
men killed and drowned, and one hundred and sixteen prisoners." 
Summary, i. 353. 

3 " Toutes les barques furent brise'es ou coulees a fond ; le feu fut 
continnel depuis environ minuit jusqu'a trois heures du matin." Du- 
chambon au Ministre, 2 Sept. 1745. 

8 Bigot au Ministre, 1 Aofit, 1745. 


and dragged a mile and a quarter to the chosen 
spot, where they were planted under the orders of 
Colonel Gridley, who thirty years after directed the 
earthworks on Bunker Hill. ' The new battery 
soon opened fire with deadly effect. 

The French, much encouraged by their late suc- 
cess, were plunged again into despondency by a 
disaster which had happened a week before the 
affair of the Island Battery, but did not come to 
their knowledge till some time after. On the 19th 
of May a fierce cannonade was heard from the 
harbor, and a large French ship-of-war was seen 
hotly engaged with several vessels of the squadron. 
She was the " Vigilant," carrying 64 guns and 
560 men, and commanded by the Marquis de 
la Maisonfort. She had come from France with 
munitions and stores, when on approaching Louis- 
bourg she met one of the English cruisers, some 
say the "Mermaid," of 40 guns, and others the 
" Shirley," of 20. Being no match for her, the 
British or provincial frigate kept up a running 
fight and led her towards the English fleet. The 
" Vigilant " soon found herself beset by several 
other vessels, and after a gallant resistance and 
the loss of eighty men, struck her colors. Nothing 
could be more timely for the New England army, 
whose ammunition and provisions had sunk peri- 
lously low. The French prize now supplied their 
needs, and drew from the Habitant de Louisbourg 
tlie mournful comment, " We were victims devoted 
to appease the wrath of Heaven, which turned 
our own arms into weapons for our enemies." 


Nor was this the last time when the defenders 
of Louisbourg supplied the instruments of their 
own destruction ; for ten cannon were presently 
unearthed at low tide from the flats near the 
careening wharf in the northeast arm of the har- 
bor, where they had been hidden by the French 
some time before. Most of them proved sound ; 
and being mounted at Lighthouse Point, they were 
turned against their late owners at the Island 

When Gorham's regiment first took post at 
Lighthouse Point, Duchambon thought the move- 
ment so threatening that he forgot his former 
doubts, and ordered a sortie against it, under the 
Sieur de Beaubassin. Beaubassin landed, with a 
hundred men, at a place called Lorembec, and 
advanced to surprise the English detachment ; 
but was discovered by an outpost of forty men, 
who attacked and routed his party. 1 Being then 
joined by eighty Indians, Beaubassin had several 
other skirmishes with English scouting-parties, 
till, pushed by superior numbers, and their leader 
severely wounded, his men regained Louisbourg 
by sea, escaping with difficulty from the guard- 
boats of the squadron. The Sieur de la Valliere, 
with a considerable party of men, tried to burn 
Pepperrell's storehouses, near Flat Point Cove ; but 
ten or twelve of his followers were captured, and 
nearly all the rest wounded. Various other petty 
encounters took place between English scouting- 

1 Journal of the Siege, appended to Shirley's report. Pomeroy, 


parties and roving bands of French and Indians, 
always ending, according to Pepperrell, in the dis- 
comfiture of the latter. To this, however, there 
was at least one exception. Twenty English were 
waylaid and surrounded near Petit Lorembec by 
forty or fifty Indians, accompanied by two or three 
Frenchmen. Most of the English were shot down, 
several escaped, and the rest surrendered on prom- 
ise of life ; upon which the Indians, in cold blood, 
shot or speared some of them, and atrociously 
tortured others. 

This suggested to Warren a device which had 
two objects, to prevent such outrages in future, 
and -to make known to the French that the ship 
" Vigilant," the mainstay of their hopes, was in 
English hands. The treatment of the captives was 
told to the Marquis de la Maisonfort, late captain 
of the "Vigilant," now a prisoner on board the 
ship he had commanded, and he was requested to 
lay the facts before Duchambon. This he did with 
great readiness, in a letter containing these words : 
" It is well that you should be informed that the 
captains and officers of this squadron treat us, not 
as their prisoners, but as their good friends, and 
take particular pains that my officers and crew 
should want for nothing ; therefore it seems to me 
just to treat them in like manner, and to punish 
those who do otherwise and offer any insult to the 
prisoners who may fall into your hands." 

Captain M'Donald, of the marines, carried this 
letter to Duchambon under a flag-of-truce. Though 
familiar with the French language, he spoke to the 


Governor through an interpreter, so that the French 
officers present, who hitherto had only known that 
a large ship had been taken, expressed to each other 
without reserve their discouragement and dismay 
when they learned that the prize was no other than 
the "Vigilant." Duchambon replied to La Maison- 
fort's letter that the Indians alone were answerable 
for the cruelties in question, and that he would 
forbid such conduct for the future. 1 

The besiegers were now threatened by a new 
danger. We have seen that in the last summer 
the Sieur Duvivier had attacked Annapolis. Un- 
daunted by ill-luek, he had gone to France to beg 
for help to attack it again ; two thousand men 
were promised him, and in anticipation of their 
arrival the Governor of Canada sent a body of 
French and Indians, under the noted partisan 
Marin, to meet and co-operate with them. Marin 
was ordered to wait at Les Mines till he heard 
of the arrival of the troops from France ; but 
he grew impatient, and resolved to attack An- 
napolis without them. Accordingly, he laid siege 
to it with the six or seven hundred whites and In- 
dians of his party, aided by the so-called Acadian 
neutrals. Mascarene, the governor, kept them at 
bay till the 24th of May, when, to his surprise, 
they all disappeared. Duchambon had sent them 
an order to make all haste to the aid of Louisbourg. 
As the report of this reached the besiegers, multi- 
plying Marin's force four-fold, they expected to be 

1 De la Maisonfort a Duchambon, \8Juin (new style), 1745. Duchambon 
a de la Maisonfort, 19 Juin (new style), 1745. 


attacked by numbers more than equal to those of 
their own effective men. This wrought a whole- 
some reform. Order was established in the camp, 
which was now fenced with palisades and watched 
by sentinels and scouting-parties. 

Another tribulation fell upon the General. 
Shirley had enjoined it upon him to keep in per- 
fect harmony with the naval commander, and the 
injunction was in accord with Pepperrell'^ conciliat- 
ing temper. Warren was no less' earnest than he 
for the success of the enterprise, lent him ammu- 
nition in time of need, and offered every aid in 
his power, while Pepperrell in letters to Shirley 
and Newcastle praised his colleague without stint. 
But in habits and character the two men differed 
widely. Warren was in the prime of life, and the 
ardor of youth still burned in him. He was im- 
patient at the slow movement of the siege. Pris- 
oners told him of a squadron expected from Brest, 
of which the " Vigilant" was the forerunner; and 
he feared that even if it could not defeat him, it 
might elude the blockade, and with the help of 
the continual fogs, get into Louisbourg in spite of 
him, thus making its capture impossible. There- 
fore he called a council of his captains on board 
his flagship, the " Superbe," and proposed a plan 
for taking the place without further delay. On 
the same day he laid it before Pepperrell. It was 
to the effect that all the king's ships and provin- 
cial cruisers should enter the harbor, after taking 
on board sixteen hundred of Pepperrell's men, and 
attack the town from the water side, while what 

VOL. II. 10 


was left of the army should assault it by land. 1 
To accept the proposal would have been to pass 
over the command to Warren, only about twenty- 
one hundred of the New England men being tit 
for service at the time, while of these the Gen- 
eral informs Warren that " six hundred are gone 
in quest of two bodies of French and Indians, 
who, we are informed, are gathering, one to the 
eastward, and the other to the westward." 2 

To this Warren replies, with some appearance of 
pique, " I am very sorry that no one plan of mine, 
though approved by all my captains, has been so 
fortunate as to meet your approbation or have any 
weight with you." And to show his title to con- 
sideration, he gives an extract from a letter writ- 
ten to him by Shirley, in which that inveterate 
flatterer hints his regret that, by reason of other 
employments, Warren could not take command of 
the whole expedition, "which I doubt not," says 
the Governor, " would be a most happy event for 
his Majesty's service." 3 

Pepperrell kept his temper under this thrust, and 
wrote to the commodore with invincible courtesy : 
" Am extremely sorry the fogs prevent me from 
the pleasure of waiting on you on board your 
ship," adding that six hundred men should be 
furnished from the army and the transports to 
man the "Vigilant," which was now the most 
powerful ship in the squadron. In short, he 

1 Report of a Consultation of Officers on board his Majesty's ship 
" Superbe," enclosed in a letter of Warren to Pepperrell, 24 May, 1745. 

2 Pepperrell to Warren, 28 Ma y, 1 745. 
* Warren to Pepperrell, 29 May, 1745. 


showed every disposition to meet Warren half 
way. But the Commodore was beginning to feel 
some doubts as to the expediency of the bold 
action he had proposed, and informed Pepperrell 
that his pilots thought it impossible to go into 
the harbor until the Island Battery was silenced. 
In fact, there was danger that if the ships got in 
while that battery was still alive and active, they 
would never get out again, but be kept there as in 
a trap, under the fire from the town ramparts. 

Gridley's artillery at Lighthouse Point had been 
doing its best, dropping bombshells with such 
precision into the Island Battery that the French 
soldiers were sometimes seen running into the sea 
to escape the explosions. Many of the Island guns 
were dismounted, and the place was fast becom- 
ing untenable. At the same time the English 
batteries on the land side were pushing their work 
of destruction with relentless industry, and walls 
and bastions crumbled under their fire. The 
French labored with energy under cover of night 
to repair the mischief ; closed the shattered \Yest 
Gate with a wall of stone and earth twenty feet 
thick, made an epaulement to protect what was 
left of the formidable Circular Battery, all but 
three of whose sixteen guns had been dismounted, 
stopped the throat of the Dauphin's Bastion 
with a barricade of stone, and built a cavalier, or 
raised battery, on the King's Bastion, where, 
however, the English fire soon ruined it. Against 
that near and peculiarly dangerous neighbor, the 
advanced battery, or, as they called it, the Batterie 


de Francoeur, they planted three heavy cannon to 
take it in flank. " These-," says Duchambon, "pro- 
duced a marvellous effect, dismounted one of the 
cannon of the Bastonnais, and damaged all their 
embrasures, which," concludes the Governor, 
" did not prevent them from keeping up a constant 
fire ; and they repaired by night the mischief we 
did them by day." l 

Pepperrell and Warren at length came to an 
understanding as to a joint attack by land and 
water. The Island Battery was by this time 
crippled, and the town batteries that commanded 
the interior of the harbor were nearly destroyed. 
It was agreed that Warren, whose squadron was 
now increased by recent arrivals to eleven ships, 
besides the provincial cruisers, should enter the 
harbor with the first fair wind, cannonade the 
town and attack it in boats, while Pepperrell 
stormed it from the land side. Warren was to 
hoist a Dutch flag under his pennant, at his main- 
top-gallant mast-head, as a signal that he was 
about to sail in ; and Pepperrell was to answer by 
three columns of smoke, marching at the same 
time towards the walls with drums beating and 
colors flying. 2 

The French saw with dismay a large quantity 
of fascines carried to the foot of the glacis, ready 
to fill the ditch, and their scouts came in with 
reports that more than a thousand scaling-ladders 

1 Duchambon au Ministre, 2 Sept. 1 745. 

9 Warren to Pepperrell, 11 June, 1745. Pepperrell to Warren, 13 June, 

1745.] A FLAG OF TRUCE. 149 

were lying behind the ridge of the nearest hill. 
Toil, loss of sleep, and the stifling air of the 
casemates, in which they were forced to take 
refuge, had sapped the strength of the besieged. 
The town was a ruin ; only one house was un- 
touched by shot or shell. " We could have borne 
all this," writes the Intendant, Bigot; "but the 
scarcity of powder, the loss of the ' Vigilant,' 
the presence of the squadron, and the absence of 
any news from Marin, who had been ordered to 
join us with his Canadians and Indians, spread 
terror among troops and inhabitants. The towns- 
people said that they did not want to be put to 
the sword, and were not strong enough to resist 
a general assault." l On the 15th of June they 
brought a petition to Duchambon, begging him 
to capitulate. 2 

On that day Captain Sberburn, at the advanced 
battery, wrote in his diary : " By 12 o'clock we had 
got all our platforms laid, embrazures mended, 
guns in order, shot in place, cartridges ready, 
dined, gunners quartered, matches lighted to re- 
turn their last favours, when we heard their drums 
beat a parley ; and soon appeared a flag of truce, 
which I received midway between our battery 
and their walls, conducted the officer to Green 
Hill, and delivered him to Colonel Richman 

La Perelle, the French officer, delivered a note 
from Duchambon, directed to both Pepperrell and 

1 Bigot au Ministre, 1 Aout, 1745. 

a Duchambon au Ministre, 2 Sept. 1745. 


Warren, and asking for a suspension of arms to 
enable him to draw up proposals for capitulation. 1 
Warren chanced to be on shore when the note 
came ; and the two commanders answered jointly 
that it had come in good time, as they had just 
resolved on a general attack, and that they would 
give the Governor till eight o'clock of the next 
morning to make his proposals. 2 

They came in due time, but were of such a 
nature that Pepperrell refused to listen to them, 
and sent back Bonaventure, the officer who 
brought them, with counter - proposals. These 
were the terms which Duchambon had rejected on 
the 7th of May, with added conditions ; as, among 
others, that no officer, soldier, or inhabitant of 
Louisbourg should bear arms against the King of 
England or any of his allies for the space of a 
year. Duchambon stipulated, as the condition of 
his acceptance, that his troops should march out 
of the fortress with their arms and colors. 3 To 
this both the English commanders consented, 
Warren observing to Pepperrell " the uncertainty 
of our affairs, that depend so much on wind and 
weather, makes it necessary not to stickle at 
trifles." 4 The articles were signed on both sides, 
and on the 17th the ships sailed peacefully into 
the harbor, while Pepperrell with a part of his 
ragged army entered the south gate of the town. 

1 Duchambon a Pepperrell et Warren, 26 Juin (new style), 1745. 
3 Warren and Pepperrell to Duchambon, 15 June, 1745. 

* Duchambon a Warren et Pepperrell, 27 Juin (new style), 1745. 

* Pepperrell to Warren, 16 June, 1745. Warren to Pepperrell, 16 June, 

1745.] SURRENDER 151 

" Never was a place more mal'd [mauled] with 
cannon and shells," he writes to Shirley ; " neither 
have I red in History of any troops behaving 
with greater courage. We gave them about nine 
thousand cannon-balls and six hundred bombs." 1 
Thus this unique military performance ended in 
complete and astonishing success. 

According to English accounts, the French had 
lost about three hundred men during the siege; 
but their real loss seems to have been not much 
above a third of that number. On the side of the 
besiegers, the deaths from all causes were only 
a hundred and thirty, about thirty of which were 
from disease. The French used their muskets to 
good purpose ; but their mortar practice was bad, 
and close as was the advanced battery to their 
walls, they often failed to hit it, while the ground 
on both sides of it looked like a ploughed field, 
from the bursting of their shells. Their surrender 
was largely determined by want of ammunition, 
as, according to one account, the French had but 
thirty-seven barrels of gunpowder left, 2 in which 
particular the besiegers fared little better. 3 

The New England men had been full of confi- 
dence in the result of the proposed assault, and a 
French writer says that the timely capitulation 
saved Louisbourg from a terrible catastrophe ; 4 yet, 

1 Pepperrell to Shirley, 18 June (old style,) 1745. Ibid., 4 July, 1745. 

3 Habitant de Louisbourg. 

8 Pepperrell more than once complains of a total want of both powder 
and balls. Warren writes to him on May 29th : " It is very lucky that we 
could spare you some powder ; I am told yon had not a grain left." 

* " C'est par une protection visible de la Providence que nous avons 


ill-armed and disorderly as the besiegers were, it 
may be doubted whether the quiet ending of the 
siege was not as fortunate for them as for their 
foes. The discouragement of the French was 
increased by greatly exaggerated ideas of the force 
of the " Bastonnais." The Habitant de Louisbourg 
places the land-force alone at eight or nine thou- 
sand men, and Duchambon reports to the minister 
D'Argenson that he was attacked in all by thirteen 
thousand. His mortifying position was a sharp 
temptation to exaggerate ; but his conduct can 
only be explained by a belief that the force of his 
enemy was far greater than it was in fact. 

Warren thought that the proposed assault would 
succeed, and wrote to Pepperrell that he hoped 
they would " soon keep a good house together, 
and give the Ladys of Louisbourg a Gallant 
Ball." l During his visit to the camp on the day 
when the flag of truce came out, he made a speech 
to the New England soldiers, exhorting them to be- 
have like true Englishmen ; at which they cheered 
lustily. Making a visit to the Grand Battery on 
the same day, he won high favor with the regi- 
ment stationed there by the gift of a hogshead of 
rum to drink his health. 

Whether Warren's " gallant ball " ever took 
place in Louisbourg does not clearly appear. Pep- 
perrell, on his part, celebrated the victory by a 
dinner to the commodore and his officers. As the 

prdvenu nne journ^e qui nous aaroit td si faneste." Lettre d'un Habitant 
de Louisbourg. 

1 Warren to Pepperrell, 10 June, 1745. 


redoubtable Parson Moody was the general's chap- 
lain and the oldest man in the army, he expected 
to ask a blessing at the board, and was, in fact, in- 
vited to do so, to the great concern of those who 
knew his habitual prolixity, and dreaded its effect 
on the guests. At the same time, not one of 
them dared rasp his irritable temper by any sug- 
gestion of brevity ; and hence they came in terror 
to the feast, expecting an invocation of a good 
half-hour, ended by open revolt of the hungry 
Britons ; when, to their surprise and relief, Moody 
said : " Good Lord, we have so much to thank 
thee for, that time will be too short, and we 
must leave it for eternity. Bless our food and 
fellowship upon this joyful occasion, for the sake 
of Christ our Lord, Amen." And with that he 
sat down. 1 

It is said that he had been seen in the French 
church hewing at the altar and images with the 
axe that he had brought for that purpose ; and 
perhaps this iconoclastic performance had eased 
the high pressure of his zeal. 2 

Amazing as their triumph was, Pepperrell's 
soldiers were not satisfied with the capitulation, 
and one of them utters his disapproval in his 
diary thus: "Sabbath Day, ye 16 th June. They 
came to Termes for us to enter ye Sitty to 
morrow, and Poore Termes they Bee too." 

The occasion of discontent was the security of 

1 Collections of Mass. Hist. Society, I. 49. 

8 A descendant of Moody, at the village of York, told me that he waa 
found in the chnrch busy in the work of demolition. 


property assured to the inhabitants, "by which 
means," says that dull chronicler, Niles, " the poor 
soldiers lost all their hopes and just demerit [de- 
sert] of plunder promised them." In the meagre- 
ness of their pay they thought themselves entitled 
to the plunder of Louisbourg, which they imagined 
to be a seat of wealth and luxury. Nathaniel 
Sparhawk, Pepperrell's thrifty son-in-law, shared 
this illusion, and begged the General to get for 
him (at a low price) a handsome service of silver 
plate. When the volunteers exchanged their wet 
and dreary camp for what they expected to be the 
comfortable quarters of the town, they were dis- 
gusted to see the houses still occupied by the 
owners, and to find themselves forced to stand 
guard at the doors, to protect them. 1 " A great 
Noys and hubbub a mongst ye Solders a bout ye 
Plunder ; Som Cursing, som a Swarein," writes one 
of the disgusted victors. 

They were not, and perhaps could not be, long 
kept in order ; and when, in accordance with the 
capitulation, the inhabitants had been sent on 
board vessels for transportation to France, disci- 
pline gave way, and General Wolcott records that, 
while Moody was preaching on a Sunday in the 
garrison - chapel, there was " excessive stealing 
in every part of the town." Little, however, was 
left to steal. 

But if the army found but meagre gleanings, 

1 "Thursday, ye 21". Ye French keep possession yet, and we are 
forsed to stand at their Dores to gard them." Diary of a Soldier, 

1745.] JEALOUSIES. 155 

the navy reaped a rich harvest. French ships, 
instead of being barred out of the harbor, were 
now lured to enter it. The French flag was kept 
flying over the town, and in this way prizes were 
entrapped to the estimated value of a million ster- 
ling, half of which went to the Crown, and the rest 
to the British officers and crews, the army getting 
no share whatever. 

Now rose the vexed question of the relative part 
borne by the colonies and the Crown, the army and 
the navy, in the capture of Louisbourg ; and here 
it may be well to observe the impressions of a 
French witness of the siege. " It was an enter- 
prise less of the English nation and its King than 
of the inhabitants of New England alone. This 
singular people have their own laws and adminis- 
tration, and their governor plays the sovereign. 
Admiral [Commodore] Warren had no authority 
over the troops sent by the Governor of Boston, 
and he was only a spectator. . . . Nobody would 
have said that their sea and land forces were of 
the same nation and under the same prince. No 
nation but the English is capable of such eccen- 
tricities (bizarreries), which, nevertheless, are a 
part of the precious liberty of which they show 
themselves so jealous." 1 

The French writer is correct when he says that 
the land and sea forces were under separate com- 
mands, and it is equally true that but for the con- 
ciliating temper of Pepperrell, harmony could not 
have been preserved between the two chiefs ; but 

1 Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg. 


when he calls Warren a mere spectator, he does 
glaring injustice to that gallant officer, whose' ac- 
tivity and that of his captains was incessant, and 
whose services were invaluable. They maintained, 
with slight lapses, an almost impossible blockade, 
without which the siege must have failed. Two 
or three small vessels got into the harbor ; but the 
capture of the " Vigilant," more than any other 
event of the siege, discouraged the French and 
prepared them for surrender. 

Several English writers speak of Warren and 
the navy as the captors of Louisbourg, and all 
New England writers give the chief honor to 
Pepperrell and the army. Neither army nor navy 
would have been successful without the other. 
Warren and his officers, in a council of war, had 
determined that so long as the Island Battery 
and the water batteries of the town remained in 
an efficient state, the ships could not enter the 
harbor ; and Warren had personally expressed the 
same opinion. 1 He did not mean to enter till 
all the batteries which had made the attempt im- 
practicable, including the Circular Battery, which 
was the most formidable of all, had been silenced 
or crippled by the army, and by the army alone. 
The whole work of the siege fell upon the land 
forces ; and though it had been proposed to send 
a body of marines on shore, this was not done. 2 

1 Report of Consultation on Imard the " Superbe," 7 June, 1745. "Com- 
modore Warren did say publickly that before the Circular Battery was 
reduced he would not venture in here with three times ye sea force he had 
with him, and, through divine assistance, we tore that [battery] and this 
city almost to pieces." Pepperrell to Shirley, 4 July, 1745. 

8 Warren had no men to spare. He says : " If it should bo thought 

1745.] ARMY AND NAVY. 157 

Three or four gunners, " to put your men in the 
way of loading cannon," 1 was Warren's contribu- 
tion to the operations of the siege ; though the 
fear of attack by the ships, jointly with the land 
force, no doubt hastened the surrender. Beauhar- 
nois, governor of Canada, ascribes the defeat to 
the extreme activity with which the New England 
men pushed their attacks. 

The Habitant de Louisbourg says that each of 
the two commanders was eager that the keys of 
the fortress should be delivered to him, and not 
to his colleague ; that before the surrender, Warren 
sent an officer to persuade the French that it would 
be for their advantage to make their submission to 
him rather than to Pepperrell ; and that it was in 
fact so made. Wolcott, on the other hand, with 
the best means of learning the truth, says in his 
diary that Pepperrell received the keys at the South 
Gate. The report that it was the British commo- 
dore, and not their own general, to whom Louis- 
bourg surrendered, made a prodigious stir among 
the inhabitants of New England, who had the 
touchiness common to small and ambitious peo- 
ples ; and as they had begun the enterprise 
and borne most of its burdens and dangers, they 

necessary to join your troops with any men from our ships, it should only 
be done for some sudden attack that may be executed in one day or 
night." Warren to Pepperrell, 11 May, 1745. No such occasion arose. 

1 Ibid., 13 J/o i/, 1745. On the 19th of May, 1746, Warren made a 
parting speech to the New England men at Louisbourg, in which he tells 
them that it was they who conquered the country, and expresses the hope 
that should the French try to recover it, "the same Spirit that induced you 
to make this Conquest will prompt you to protect it." See the speech in 
Beamish-Murdoch, II. 100-102. 


thought themselves entitled to the chief credit 
of it. Pepperrell was blamed as lukewarm for 
the honor of his country because he did not de- 
mand the keys and reject the capitulation if they 
were refused. After all this ebullition it appeared 
that the keys were in his hands, for when, soon 
after the siege, Shirley came to Louisbourg, Pep- 
perrell formally presented them to him, in presence 
of the soldiers. 

Warren no doubt thought that he had a right to 
precedence, as being an officer of the King in reg- 
ular standing, while Pepperrell was but a civilian, 
clothed with temporary rank by the appointment 
of a provincial governor. Warren was an impet- 
uous sailor accustomed to command, and Pepper- 
rell was a merchant accustomed to manage and 
persuade. The difference appears in their corres- 
pondence during the siege. Warren is sometimes 
brusque and almost peremptory ; Pepperrell is for- 
bearing and considerate to the last degree. He 
liked Warren, and, to the last, continued to praise 
him highly in letters to Shirley and other provin- 
cial governors ; l while Warren, on occasion of 
Shirley's arrival at Louisbourg, made a speech 
highly complimentary to both the General and his 

The news that Louisbourg was taken, reached 
Boston at one o'clock in the morning of the 3d 
of July by a vessel sent express. A din of bells 

1 See extracts in Parson, 105, 106. The Habitant de Louisbourg extols 
Warren, but is not partial to Pepperrell, whom he calls, incorrectly, "the 
on of a Boston shoemaker." 

1745.] NEWS OF THE VICTORY. 159 

and cannon proclaimed it to the slumbering towns- 
men, and before the sun rose, the streets were 
filled with shouting crowds. At night every win- 
dow shone with lamps, and the town was ablaze 
with fireworks and bonfires. The next Thursday 
was appointed a day of general thanksgiving for a 
victory believed to be the direct work of Provi- 
dence. New York and Philadelphia also hailed 
the great news with illuminations, ringing of 
and firing of cannon. 

In England the tidings were received with as- 
tonishment and a joy that was dashed with re- 
flections on the strength and mettle of colonists 
supposed already to aspire to independence. Pep- 
perrell was made a baronet, and Warren an admiral. 
The merchant soldier was commissioned colonel in 
the British army ; a regiment was given him, to 
be raised in America and maintained by the King, 
while a similar recognition was granted ' to the 
lawyer Shirley. 1 

A question vital to Massachusetts worried her 
in the midst of her triumph. She had been bank- 
rupt for many years, and of the large volume 
of her outstanding obligations, a part was not 
worth eightpence in the pound. Added to her 
load of debt, she had spent 183,649 sterling on 
the Louisbourg expedition. That which Smollett 

1 To Rous, captain of a provincial cruiser, whom Warren had com- 
mended for conduct and courage, was given the command of a ship in the 
royal navy. 

" Tell your Council and Assembly, in his Majesty's name," writes 
Newcastle to Shirley, " that their conduct will always entitle them, in a 
particular manner, to his royal favor and protection." Newcastle to 
Shirley, 10 Aug. 1745. 


calls "the most important achievement of the 
war " would never have taken place but for her, 
and Old England, and not New, was to reap the 
profit ; for Louisbourg, conquered by arms, was to 
be restored by diplomacy. If the money she had 
spent for the mother-country were not repaid, her 
ruin was certain. William Bollan, English by 
birth and a son-in-law of Shirley, was sent out to 
urge the just claim of the province, and after long 
and vigorous solicitation, he succeeded. The full 
amount, in sterling value, was paid to Massachu- 
setts, and the expenditures of New Hampshire, 
Connecticut, and Rhode Island were also reim- 
bursed. 1 The people of Boston saw twenty-seven 
of those long, unwieldy trucks which many elders 
of the place still remember as used in their youth, 
rumbling up King Street to the treasury, loaded 
with 217 chests of Spanish dollars, and a hundred 
barrels of copper coin. A pound sterling was worth 
eleven pounds of the old-tenor currency of Mas- 
sachusetts, and thirty shillings of the new-tenor. 
Those beneficent trucks carried enough to buy in at 
a stroke nine tenths of the old-tenor notes of the 
province, nominally worth above two millions. 
A stringent tax, laid on by the Assembly, paid the 
remaining tenth, and Massachusetts was restored 
to financial health. 2 

1 183,649 to Massachusetts ; 16,355 to New Hampshire ; 28,863 to 
Connecticut ; 6,332 to Rhode Island 

2 Palfrey, New England, V. 101-109; Shirley, Report to the. Board of 
Trade. Bollan to Secretary Willard, in Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., I. 53 ; 
Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., II. 391-395. Letters of Bollan in Massachusetts 

It watt through the exertions of the much-abused Thomas Hutchinson, 


Speaker of the Assembly and historian of Massachusetts, that the money 
was used for the laudable purpose of extinguishing the old debt. 

Shirley did his utmost to support Bollan in his efforts to obtain com- 
pensation, and after highly praising the zeal and loyalty of the people of 
his province, he writes to Newcastle : " Justice, as well as the affection 
which I bear to 'em, constrains me to beseech your Grace to recommend 
their Case to his Majesty's paternal Care & Tenderness in the Strongest 
manner." Shirley to Newcastle, 6 Nov. 1745. 

The English documents on the siege of Louisbourg are many and 
voluminous. The Pepperrell Papers and the Belknap Papers, both in the 
library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, afford a vast number of 
contemporary letters and documents on the subject. The large volume 
entitled Sieye of Louisbourg, in the same repository, contains many more, 
including a number of autograph diaries of soldiers and others. To 
these are to be added the journals of General Wolcott, James Gibson, 
Benjamin Cleaves, Seth Pomeroy, and several others, in print or manu- 
script, among which is especially to be noted the journal appended to 
Shirley's Letter to the Duke of Newcastle of Oct. 28, 1745, and bearing 
the names of Pepperrell, Brigadier Waldo, Colonel Moore, and Lieutenant- 
Colonels Lothrop and Gridley, who attest its accuracy. Many papers 
have also been drawn from the Public Record Office of London. 

Accounts of this affair have hitherto rested, with but slight exceptions, 
on English sources alone. The archives of France have furnished use- 
ful material to the foregoing narrative, notably the long report of the 
Governor, Duchambon, to the Minister of War, and the letter of the In- 
tendaut, Bigot, to the same personage, within about six weeks after the 
surrender. But the most curious French evidence respecting the siege is 
the Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg contenant une Relation exacte $ cir- 
constanciee de la Prise de l'Isle-Ro>iale par les Anglois. A Quebec, chez 
Guillaume le Sincere, a IT mage de la Ve~rite, 1745. This little work, of 
eighty-one printed pages, is extremely rare. I could study it only by 
having a literatim transcript made from the copy in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale, as it was not in the British Museum. It bears the signature 
B. L. N., and is dated a ... ce 28 Aout, 1745. The imprint of Quebec, 
etc., is certainly a mask, the book having no doubt been printed in France. 
It severely criticises Duchambon, and makes him mainly answerable for 
the disaster. 

For French views of the siege of Louisbourg, see Appendix B. 

VOL. II. 11 





THE troops and inhabitants of Louisbourg were 
all embarked for France, and the town was at 
last in full possession of the victors. The serious- 
minded among them and there were few who 
did not bear the stamp of hereditary Puritanism 
now saw a fresh proof that they were the peculiar 
care of an approving Providence. While they 
were in camp the weather had been favorable ; 
but they were scarcely housed when a cold, persis- 
tent rain poured down in floods that would have 
drenched their flimsy tents and turned their huts 
of turf into mud-heaps, robbing the sick of every 
hope of recovery. Even now they got little com- 
fort from the shattered tenements of Louisbourg. 
The siege had left the town in so filthy a condi- 
tion that the wells were infected and the water 
was poisoned. 


The soldiers clamored for discharge, having en- 
listed to serve only till the end of the expedition ; 
.and Shirley insisted that faith must be kept with 
them, or no more would enlist. 1 Pepperrell, much 
to the dissatisfaction of Warren, sent home about 
seven hundred men, some of whom were on the 
sick list, while the rest had families in distress 
and danger on the exposed frontier. At the same 
time he begged hard for reinforcements, expecting 
a visit from the French and a desperate attempt 
to recover Louisbourg. He and Warren governed 
the place jointly, under martial law, and they both 
passed half their time in holding courts-martial ; 
for disorder reigned among the disgusted militia, 
and no less among the crowd of hungry specula- 
tors, who flocked like vultures to the conquered 
town to buy the cargoes of captured ships, or 
seek for other prey. The Massachusetts soldiers, 
whose pay was the smallest, and who had counted 
on being at their homes by the end of July, were 
the most turbulent ; but all alike were on the 
brink of mutiny. Excited by their ringleaders, 
they one day marched in a body to the parade 
and threw down their arms ; but probably soon 
picked them up again, as in most cases the guns 
were hunting-pieces belonging to those who car- 
ried them. Pepperrell begged Shirley to come to 
Louisbourg and bring the mutineers back to duty. 
Accordingly, on the 16th of August he arrived 
in a ship-of-war, accompanied by Mrs. Shirley and 
Mrs. Warren, wife of the Commodore. The sol- 

i Shirley to Newcastle, 27 Sept. 1745. 

164 DUG D'ANVILLE. [1745 

diers duly fell into line to receive him. As it was 
not his habit to hide his own merits, he tells the 
Duke of Newcastle that nobody but he could have 
quieted the malcontents, which is probably true, 
as nobody else had power to raise their pay. 
He made them a speech, promised them , forty 
shillings in Massachusetts new-tenor currency a 
month, instead of twenty-five, and ended with 
ordering for each man half a pint of rum to drink 
the King's health. Though potations so generous 
might be thought to promise effects not wholly 
sedative, the mutineers were brought to reason, 
and some even consented to remain in garrison 
till the next June. 1 

Small reinforcements came from New England 
to hold the place till the arrival of troops from 
Gibraltar, promised by the ministry. The two 
regiments raised in the colonies, and commanded 
by Shirley and Pepperrell, were also intended to 
form a part of the garrison ; but difficulty was 
found in filling the ranks, because, says Shirley, 
some commissions have been given to English- 
men, and men will not enlist here except under 
American officers. 

Nothing could be more dismal than the condi- 
tion of Louisbourg, as reflected in the diaries of 
soldiers and others who spent there the winter 
that followed its capture. Among these diaries is 
that of the worthy Benjamin Crafts, private in 
Hale's Essex regiment, who to the entry of each 
day adds a pious invocation, sincere in its way, 

Shirley to Newcastle, 4 Dec. 1745. 


no doubt, though hackneyed, and sometimes in 
strange company. Thus, after noting down Shir- 
ley's gift of half a pint of rum to every man to 
drink the King's health, he adds immediately : 
" The Lord Look upon us and enable us to trust 
in him & may he prepare us for his holy Day." 
On " September ye 1, being Sabath," we find the 
following record : "I am much out of order. This 
forenoon heard Mr. Stephen Williams preach from 
ye 18 Luke 9 verse in the afternoon from ye 8 
of Ecles : 8 verse : Blessed be the Lord that has 
given us to enjoy another Sabath and opertunity 
to hear his Word Dispensed." On the next day, 
"being Monday," he continues, "Last night I was 
taken very Bad : the Lord be pleased to strengthen 
my inner man that I may put my whole Trust 
in him. May we all be prepared for his holy will. 
Red part of plunder, 9 small tooth combs." Crafts 
died in the spring, of the prevailing distemper, 
after doing good service in the commissary depart- 
ment of his regiment. 

Stephen Williams, the preacher whose sermons 
had comforted Crafts in his trouble, was a son 
of Rev. John Williams, captured by the Indians at 
Deerfield in 1704, and was now minister of Long 
Meadow, Massachusetts. He had joined the anti- 
papal crusade as one of its chaplains, and passed 
for a man of ability, a point on which those who 
read his diary will probably have doubts. The 
lot of the army chaplains was of the hardest. A 
pestilence had fallen upon Louisbourg, and turned 
the fortress into a hospital. " After we got into 

166 DUG D'ANVTLLE. [1745. 

the town, " says the sarcastic Dr. Douglas, whose 
pleasure it is to put everything in its worst 
light, "a sordid indolence or sloth, for want of 
discipline, induced putrid fevers and dysenteries, 
which at length in August became contagious, and 
the people died like rotten sheep." From four- 
teen to twenty-seven were buried every day in the 
cemetery behind the town, outside the Maurepas 
Gate, by the old lime-kiln, on Rochefort Point ; 
and the forgotten bones of above five hundred 
New England men lie there to this day under the 
coarse, neglected grass. The chaplain's diary is 
little but a dismal record of sickness, death, ser- 
mons, funerals, and prayers with the dying ten 
times a day. " Prayed at Hospital ; Prayed at 
Citadel ; Preached at Grand Eatery ; Visited 

Capt. [illegible], very sick; One of Capt. 's 

company dy d Am but poorly myself, but able to 
keep about." Now and then there is a momen- 
tary change of note, as when he writes: "July 
29* h . One of ye Captains of ye men of war caind 
a soldier who struck ye capt. again. A great 
tumult. Swords were drawn ; no life lost, but 
great uneasiness is caused." Or when he sets 
down the " say " of some Briton, apparently a 
naval officer, " that he had tho't ye New England 
men were Cowards but now he tho't yt if they 
had a pick axe & spade, they w'd dig ye way to 
Hell & storm it." J 

Williams was sorely smitten with homesickness, 

1 The autograph diary of Rev. Stephen Williams is in my possession. 
The handwriting is detestable. 

1745,1746.] A NEW ENTERPRISE. 167 

but he sturdily kept his post, in spite of grievous 
yearnings for family and flock. The pestilence 
slowly abated, till at length the burying-parties 
that passed the Maurepas Gate counted only three 
or four a day. At the end of January five hun- 
dred and sixty-one men had died, eleven hundred 
were on the sick list, and about one thousand fit 
for duty. 1 The promised regiments from Gibraltar 
had not come. Could the French have struck 
then, Louisbourg might have changed hands again. 
The Gibraltar regiments had arrived so late upon 
that rude coast that they turned southward to the 
milder shores of Virginia, spent the winter there, 
and did not appear at Louisbourg till April. They 
brought with them a commission for Warren as 
governor of the fortress. He made a speech of 
thanks to the New England garrison, now reduced 
to less than nineteen hundred men, sick and well, 
and they sailed at last for home, Louisbourg being 
now thought safe from any attempt of France. 

To the zealous and energetic Shirley the capture 
of the fortress was but a beginning of greater 
triumphs. Scarcely had the New England militia 
sailed from Boston on their desperate venture, 
when he wrote to the Duke of Newcastle that 
should the expedition succeed, all New England 
would be on fire to attack Canada, and the other 
colonies would take part with them, if ordered to 
do so by the ministry. 2 And, some months later, 

1 On May 10th, 1746, Shirley writes to Newcastle that eight hundred 
and ninety men had died daring the winter. The sufferings of the gar 
rison from cold were extreme. 

2 Shirley to Newcastle, 4 April, 1745. 

168 DUG D'ANVILLE. [1745,1746. 

after Louisbourg was taken, he urged the policy 
of striking while the iron was hot, and invading 
Canada at once. The colonists, he said, were 
ready, and it would be easier to raise ten thousand 
men for such an attack than one thousand to lie 
idle in garrison at Louisbourg or anywhere else. 
France and England, he thinks, cannot live on the 
same continent. If we were rid of the French, he 
continues, England would soon control America, 
which would make her first among the nations; 
and he ventures what now seems the modest pre- 
diction that in one or two centuries the British 
colonies would rival France in population. Even 
now, he is sure that they would raise twenty thou- 
sand men to capture Canada, if the King required 
it of them, and Warren would be an acceptable 
commander for the naval part of the expedition ; 
" but," concludes the Governor, " I will take no 
step without orders from his Majesty." 1 

The Duke of Newcastle was now at the head of 
the Government. Smollett and Horace Walpole 
have made his absurdities familiar, in anecdotes 
which, true or not, do no injustice to his charac- 
ter ; yet he had talents that were great in their 
way, though their way was a mean one. They 
were talents, not of the statesman, but of the 
political manager, and their object was to win 
office and keep it. 

Newcastle, whatever his motives, listened to the 
counsels of Shirley, and directed him to consult 
with Warren as to the proposed attack on Canada. 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 29 Oct. 1745. 

1746.] "DELENDA EST CANADA." 169 

At the same time he sent a circular letter to the 
governors of the provinces from New England to 
North Carolina, directing them, should the inva- 
sion be ordered, to call upon their assemblies for 
as many men as they would grant. 1 Shirley's 
views were cordially supported by Warren, and 
the levies were made accordingly, though not in 
proportion to the strength of the several colonies ; 
for those south of New York felt little interest in. 
the plan. Shirley was told to " dispose Massa- 
chusetts to do its part ; " but neither he nor his 
province needed prompting. Taking his cue from 
the Roman senator, he exclaimed to his Assem- 
bly, " Delenda est Canada;" and the Assembly 
responded by voting to raise thirty-five hundred 
men, and offering a bounty equivalent to 4 
sterling to each volunteer, besides a blanket for 
every one, and a bed for every two. New Hamp- 
shire contributed five hundred men, Rhode Island 
three hundred, Connecticut one thousand, New 
York sixteen hundred, New Jersey five hundred, 
Maryland three hundred, and Virginia one hun- 
dred. The Pennsylvania Assembly, controlled b}^ 
Quaker non-combatants, would give no soldiers ; 
but, by a popular movement, the province fur- 
nished four hundred men, without the help of its 
representatives. 2 

As usual in the English attempts against Can- 
ada, the campaign was to be a double one. The 

1 Newcastle to the Provincial Governors, 14 March, 1746; Shirley to 
Newcastle, 31 May, 1746; Proclamation of Shirley, 2 June, 1746. 

2 Hutchinson, II. 381, note. Compare Memoirs of the Principal Trans- 
actions of the Late War. 

170 DUC D'ANVILLE. [1746. 

main body of troops, composed of British regulars 
and New England militia, was to sail up the St. 
Lawrence and attack Quebec, while the levies 
of New York and the provinces farther south, 
aided, it was hoped, by the warriors of the Iro- 
quois, were to advance on Montreal by way of 
Lake Champlain. 

Newcastle promised eight battalions of British 
troops under Lieutenant-General Saint Glair. 
They were to meet the New England men at 
Louisbourg, and all were then to sail together for 
Quebec, under the escort of a squadron com- 
manded by Warren. Shirley also was to go to 
Louisbourg, and arrange the plan of the campaign 
with the General and the Admiral. Thus, without 
loss of time, the captured fortress was to be made 
a base of operations against its late owners. 

Canada was wild with alarm at reports of Eng- 
lish preparation. There were about fifty English 
prisoners in barracks at Quebec, and every device 
was tried to get information from them ; but being 
chiefly rustics caught on the frontiers by Indian 
war-parties, they had little news to give, and often 
refused to give even this. One of them, who had 
been taken long before and gained over by the 
French, 1 was used as an agent to extract in- 
formation from his countrymen, and was called 
" notre homme de confiance" At the same time 
the prisoners were freely supplied with writing 
materials, and their letters to their friends being 

1 " Un ancien prisonnier affide' que Ton a mis dans nos interests." 

1746.] BROKEN PROMISES. 171 

then opened, it appeared that they were all in 
expectation of speedy deliverance. 1 

In July a report came from Acadia that from 
forty to fifty thousand men were to attack Canada ; 
and on the 1st of August a prisoner lately taken at 
Saratoga declared that there were thirty-two war- 
ships at Boston ready to sail against Quebec, and 
that thirteen thousand men were to march at once 
from Albany against Montreal. " If all these sto- 
ries are true," writes the Canadian journalist, " all 
the English on this continent must be in arms." 

Preparations for defence were pushed with fever- 
ish energy. Fireships were made ready at Quebec, 
and fire-rafts at Isle-aux-Coudres ; provisions were 
gathered, and ammunition was distributed ; recon- 
noitring parties were sent to watch the Gulf 
and the River ; and bands of Canadians and 
Indians lately sent to Acadia were ordered to 
hasten back. 

Thanks to the Duke of Newcastle, all these 
alarms were needless. The Massachusetts levies 
were ready within six weeks, and Shirley, eager 
and impatient, waited in vain for the squadron 
from England and the promised eight battalions of 
regulars. They did not come ; and in August he 
wrote to Newcastle that it would now be impos- 
sible to reach Quebec before October, which would 
be too late. 2 The eight battalions had been sent to 
Portsmouth for embarkation, ordered on board the 

1 Extrait en forme de Journal de ce qui s'est passe dans la Colonie depuis 
.../el Dec. I745,jusqu'au 9 Nov. 1746, signs Beauharnois et Hocquart. 
8 Shirley to Newcastle, 22 Aug. 1746. 

172 DUG D'ANVILLE. [1746,1747. 

transports, then ordered ashore again, and finally 
sent on an abortive expedition against the coast of 
France. There were those who thought that this 
had been their destination from the first, and that 
the proposed attack on Canada was only a pre- 
tence to deceive the enemy. It was not till the 
next spring that Newcastle tried to explain the 
miscarriage to Shirley. He wrote that the troops 
had been detained by head-winds till General Saint 
Clair and Admiral Lestock thought it too late ; to 
which he added that the demands of the European 
war made the Canadian expedition impracticable, 
and that Shirley was to stand on the defensive 
and attempt no further conquests. As for the 
provincial soldiers, who this time were in the pay 
of the Crown, he says that they were " very ex- 
pensive," and orders the Governor to get rid of 
them " as cheap as possible." l Thus, not for the 
first time, the hopes of the colonies were brought 
to nought by the failure of the British ministers 
to keep their promises. 

When, in the autumn of 1746, Shirley said that 
for the present Canada was to be let alone, he 
bethought him of a less decisive conquest, and 
proposed to employ the provincial troops for an 
attack on Crown Point, which formed a half-way 
station between Albany and Montreal, and was 
the constant rendezvous of war-parties against 
New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, 
whose discords and jealousies had prevented them 
from combining to attack it. The Dutch of 

1 Newcastle to Shirley, 30 May, 1747. 


Albany, too, had strong commercial reasons for 
not coming to blows with the Canadians. Of 
late, however, Massachusetts and New York had 
suffered so much from this inconvenient neighbor 
that it was possible to unite them against it ; and 
as Clinton, governor of New York, was scarcely 
less earnest to get possession of Crown Point than 
was Shirley himself, a plan of operations was soon 
settled. By the middle of October fifteen hundred 
Massachusetts troops were on their way to join 
the New York levies, and then advance upon the 
obnoxious post. 1 

Even this modest enterprise was destined to fail. 
Astounding tidings reached New England, and 
startled her like a thunder-clap from dreams of 
conquest. It was reported that a great French 
fleet and army were on their way to retake Louis- 
bourg, reconquer Acadia, burn Boston, and lay 
waste the other seaboard towns. The Massachu- 
setts troops marching for Crown Point were re- 
called, and the country militia were mustered in 
arms. In a few days the narrow, crooked streets 
of the Puritan capital were crowded with more than 
eight thousand armed rustics from the farms and 
villages of Middlesex, Essex, Norfolk, and Worces- 
ter, and Connecticut promised six thousand more as 
soon as the hostile fleet should appear. The defences 
of Castle William were enlarged and strengthened, 
and cannon were planted on the islands at the 
mouth of the harbor ; hulks were sunk in the 
channel, and a boom was laid across it under 

1 Memoirs of the Principal Transactions of the Last War. 

174 DUG D'ANVILLE. [1746. 

the guns of the castle. 1 The alarm was compared 
to that which filled England on the approach of 
the Spanish Armada. 2 

Canada heard the news of the coming armament 
with an exultation that was dashed with misariv- 


ing as weeks and months passed and the fleet did 
not appear. At length in September a vessel put 
in to an Acadian harbor with the report that she 
had met the ships in mid-ocean, and that they 
counted a hundred and fifty sail. Some weeks 
later the Governor and Intendant of Canada wrote 
that on the 14th of October they received a letter 
from Chibucto with " the agreeable news " that 
the Due d'Anville and his fleet had arrived there 
about three weeks before. Had they known more, 
they would have rejoiced less. 

That her great American fortress should have 
been snatched from her by a despised militia was 
more than France could bear ; and in the midst of 
a burdensome war she made a crowning effort to 
retrieve her honor and pay the debt with usury. 
It was computed that nearly half the French navy 
was gathered at Brest under command of the Due 
d'Anville. v By one account his force consisted 
of eleven ships of the line, twenty frigates, and 
thirty-four transports and fireships, or sixty-five 
in all. Another list gives a total of sixty-six, of 
which ten were ships of the line, twenty-two were 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 29 Sept. 1746. Shirley says that though the 
French may bombard the town, he does not think they could make a 
landing, as he shall have fifteen thousand good meu within call to oppose 

2 Hutchinson, II. 382. 

1746.] D'ANVILLE'S FLEET. 175 

frigates and fireships, and thirty-four were trans- 
ports. 1 These last carried the regiment of Pon- 
thieu, with other veteran troops, to the number in 
all of three thousand one hundred and fifty. The 
fleet was to be joined at Chibucto, now Halifax, by 
four heavy ships-of-war lately sent to the West 
Indies under M. de Conflans. 

From Brest D'Anville sailed for some reason to 
Rochelle, and here the ships were kept so long by 
head-winds that it was the 20th of June before 
they could put to sea. From the first the omens 
were sinister. The Admiral was beset with ques- 
tions as to the destination of the fleet, which was 
known to him alone ; and when, for the sake of 
peace, he told it to his officers, their discontent 
redoubled. The Bay of Biscay was rough and 
boisterous, and spars, sails, and bowsprits were 
carried away. After they had been a week at sea, 
some of the ships, being dull sailers, lagged behind, 
and the rest were forced to shorten sail and wait 
for them. In the longitude of the Azores there 
was a dead calm, and the whole fleet lay idle for 
days. Then came a squall, with lightning. Sev- 
eral ships were struck. On one of them six men 
were killed, and on the seventy-gun ship "Mars" 
a box of musket and cannon cartridges blew up, 
killed ten men, and wounded twenty-one. A store- 
ship which proved to be sinking was abandoned and 
burned. Then a pestilence broke out, and in some 
of the ships there were more sick than in health. 

1 This list is in the journal of a captured French officer called by 
Shirley M. Rebateau. 

176 DUC D'ANVILLE. [1746. 

On the 14th of September they neared the coast 
of Nova Scotia, and were in dread of the danger- 
ous shoals of Sable Island, the position of which 
they d,id not exactly know. They groped their 
way in fogs till a fearful storm, with thunder and 
lightning, fell upon them. The journalist of the 
voyage, a captain in the regiment of Ponthieu, 
says, with the exaggeration common in such cases, 
that the waves ran as high as the masts ; and 
such was their violence that a transport, dashing 
against the ship "Amazone," immediately went 
down, with all on board. The crew of the " Prince 
d'Orange," half blinded by wind and spray, saw 
the great ship " Caribou," without bowsprit or 
main-topmast, driving towards them before the 
gale, and held their breath in expectation of the 
shock as she swept close alongside and vanished 
in the storm. 1 The tempest raged all night, and 
the fleet became so scattered that there was no 
more danger of collision. In the morning the 
journalist could see but five sail ; but as the day 
advanced the rest began to reappear, and at three 
o'clock he counted thirty-one from the deck of the 
" Prince d'Orange." The gale was subsiding, but 
its effects were seen in hencoops, casks, and chests 
floating on the surges and telling the fate of one 
or more of the fleet. The " Argonaut " was roll- 
ing helpless, without masts or rudder ; the " Cari- 
bou " had thrown overboard all the starboard guns 

1 Journal historiqne du Voyage de la Flotte commande'e par M. le Due 
d'Enville. The writer was on hoard the " Prince d'Orange," and describes 
what he saw (Archives da Sdminaire de Quebec; printed in Le Canada 


of her upper deck ; and the vice-admiral's ship, 
the " Trident," was in scarcely better condition. 

On the 23d they were wrapped in thick fog 
and lay firing guns, ringing bells, and beating 
drums to prevent collisions. "When the weather 
cleared, they looked in vain for the Admiral's ship, 
the " Northumberland." l She was not lost, how- 
ever, but with two other ships was far ahead of 
the fleet and near Chibucto, though in great per- 
plexity, having no pilot who knew the coast. She 
soon after had the good fortune to capture a small 
English vessel with a man on board well ac- 
quainted with Chibueto harbor. D'Anville offered 
him his liberty and a hundred louis if he would 
pilot the ship in. To this he agreed ; but when 
he rejoined his fellow-prisoners they called him a 
traitor to his country, on which he retracted his 
promise. D'Anville was sorely perplexed ; but 
Duperrier, captain of the " Northumberland," less 
considerate of the prisoner's feelings, told him 
that unless he kept his word he should be thrown 
into the sea, with a pair of cannon-balls made 
fast to his feet. At this his scruples gave way, 
and before night the " Northumberland " was 
safe in Chibucto Bay. D'Anville had hoped to 
find here the four ships of Conflans which were 
to have met him from the West Indies at this, 
the appointed rendezvous ; but he saw only a 
solitary transport of his own fleet. Hills covered 
with forests stood lonely and savage round what 

1 The "Northumberland" was an English prize captured by Captains 
Serier and Conflans in 1744. 

VOL. II. 12 

178 DUC D'ANVILLE. [1746. 

is now the harbor of Halifax. Conflans and his 
four ships had arrived early in the month, and 
finding nobody, though it was nearly three months 
since D'Anville left Rochelle, he cruised among 
the fogs for a while, and then sailed for France a 
few days before the Admiral's arrival. 

D'Anville was ignorant of the fate of his fleet ; 
but he knew that the two ships which had 
reached Chibucto with him were full of sick men, 
that their provisions were nearly spent, and that 
there was every reason to believe such of the fleet 
as the storm might have spared to be in no better 
case. An officer of the expedition describes D'An- 
ville as a man " made to command and worthy to 
be loved," and says that he had borne the disas- 
ters of the voyage with the utmost fortitude and 
serenity. 1 Yet suspense and distress wrought 
fatally upon him, and at two o'clock in the 
morning of the 27th he died, of apoplexy, by 
the best accounts ; though it was whispered 
among the crews that he had ended his troubles 
by poison. 2 

At six o'clock in the afternoon of the same day 
D'Estournel, the vice-admiral, with such ships as 
remained with him, entered the harbor and learned 
what had happened. He saw with dismay that he 
was doomed to bear the burden of command over 
a ruined enterprise and a shattered fleet. The 
long voyage had consumed the provisions, and in 

1 Journal historique du Voyage. 

2 Declaration of H Kannan and D. Deas, 23 Oct. 1746. Deposition of 
Joseph Foster, 24 Oct. \ 746, sworn to before Jacob Wendell, J. P. These 
were prisoners in the ships at Chibucto. 


some of the ships the crews were starving. The 
pestilence grew worse, and men were dying in 
numbers every day. On the 28th, D'Anville was 
buried without ceremony on a small island in the 
harbor. The officers met in council, and the papers 
of the dead commander were examined. ' Among 
them was a letter from the King in which he 
urged the recapture of Louisbourg as the first 
object of the expedition; but this was thought 
impracticable, and the council resolved to turn 
against Annapolis all the force that was left. It 
is said that D'Estournel opposed the attempt, 
insisting that it was hopeless, and that there was 
no alternative but to return to France. The de- 
bate was long and hot, and the decision was 
against him. 1 The council dissolved, and he was 
seen to enter his cabin in evident distress and 
agitation. An unusual sound was presently heard, 
followed by groans. His door was fastened by 
two bolts, put on the evening before by his order. 
It was burst open, and the unfortunate comman- 
der was found lying in a pool of blood, transfixed 
with his own sword. Enraged and mortified, he 
had thrown himself upon it in a fit of desperation. 
The surgeon drew out the blade, but it was only 
on the urgent persuasion of two Jesuits that the 
dying man would permit the wound to be dressed. 
He then ordered all the captains to the side of 
his berth, and said, " Gentlemen, I beg pardon of 

1 This is said by all the writers except the author of the Journal his- 
torique, who merely states that the council decided to attack Annapolis, 
and to detach some soldiers to the aid of Quebec. This last vote was 

180 DUC D' AN VILLE. [1 746. 

God and the King for what I have done, and I 
protest to the King that my only object was to 
prevent ray enemies from saying that I had not 
executed his orders ; " and he named M. de la 
Jonqniere to command in his place. In fact, La 
Jonquiere's rank entitled him to do so. He was 
afterwards well known as governor of Canada, 
and was reputed a brave and able sea-officer. 

La Jonquiere remained at Chibucto till late in 
October. Messengers were sent to the Acadian 
settlements to ask for provisions, of which there 
was desperate need ; and as payment was prom- 
ised in good metal, and not in paper, the Aca- 
dians brought in a considerable supply. The men 
were encamped on shore, yet the pestilence con- 
tinued its ravages. Two English prisoners were 
told that between twenty-three and twenty-four 
hundred men had been buried by sea or land 
since the fleet left France ; and another declares 
that eleven hundred and thirty-five burials took 
place while he was at Chibucto. 1 The survivors 
used the clothing of the dead as gifts to the 
neighboring Indians, who in consequence were 
attacked with such virulence by the disease that 
of the band at Cape Sable three fourths are said to 
have perished. The English, meanwhile, learned 
something of the condition of their enemies. 
Towards the end of September Captain Sylvanus 
Cobb, in a sloop from Boston, boldly entered Chi- 
bucto Harbor, took note of the ships lying there, 
and though pursued, ran out to sea and carried 

1 Declaration of Kannan and Deas. Deposition of Joseph Foster. 

1746.] A LAST EFFORT. 181 

the results of his observations to Louisbourg. 1 
A more thorough reconnoissance was afterwards 
made by a vessel from Louisbourg bringing French 
prisoners for exchange under a flag of truce ; and 
it soon became evident that the British colonies 
had now nothing to fear. 

La Jonquiere still clung to the hope of a suc- 
cessful stroke at Annapolis, till in October an 
Acadian brought him the report that the garri- 
son of that place had received a reinforcement 
of twelve hundred men. The reinforcement con- 
sisted in reality of three small companies of militia 
sent from Boston by Shirley. La Jonquiere called 
a secret council, and the result seems to have been 
adverse to any further attempt. The journalist 
reports that only a thousand men were left in 
fighting condition, and that even of these some 
were dying every day. 

La Jonquiere, however, would not yet despair. 
The troops were re-embarked ; five hospital ships 
were devoted to the sick; the "Parfait," a fifty- 
gun ship no longer serviceable, was burned, as 
were several smaller vessels, and on the 4th of 
October what was left of the fleet sailed out of 
Chibucto Harbor and steered for Annapolis, piloted 
by Acadians. The flag of truce from Louisbourg 
was compelled for a time to bear them company, 
and Joseph Foster of Beverly, an exchanged pris- 
oner on board of her, deposed that as the fleet 
held its way, he saw "a great number of dead 
persons" dropped into the sea every day. 111- 

1 Report of Captain Cobb, in Shirley to Newcastle, 13 Oct. 1746. 

182 DUC D'ANVILLE. [1746. 

luck still pursued the French. A storm off Cape 
Sable dispersed the ships, two of which some days 
later made their way to Annapolis Basin in expec- 
tation of finding some of their companions there. 
They found instead the British fifty-gun ship 
" Chester " and the Massachusetts frigate " Shir- 
ley " anchored before the fort, on which the two 
Frenchmen retired as they had come ; and so 
ended the last aggressive movement on the part 
of the great armament. 

The journalist reports that on the night of the 
27th there was a council of officers on board the 
" Northumberland," at which it was resolved that 
no choice was left but to return to France with 
the ships - that still kept together. On the 4th 
of November there was another storm, and when 
it subsided, the " Prince d'Orange " found herself 
with but nine companions, all of which were trans- 
ports. These had on board eleven companies of 
soldiers, of whom their senior officer reports that 
only ninety-one were in health. The pestilence 
made such ravages among the crews that four 
or five corpses were thrown into the sea every 
day, and there was fear that the vessels would 
be left helpless in mid-ocean for want of sailors 
to work them. 1 At last, on the 7th of December, 
after narrowly escaping an English squadron, they 
reached Port Louis in Brittany, where several 
ships of the fleet had arrived before them. Among 
these was the frigate " La Palme." " Yesterday," 
says the journalist, " I supped with M. Destra- 

1 Journal historique. 

1746.] THE STORY OF "LA PALME." 183 

houdal, who commands this frigate ; and he told 
me things which from anybody else would have 
been incredible. This is his story, exactly as I 
had it from him." And he goes on to the 
following effect. 

After the storni of the 14th of September, pro- 
visions being almost spent, it was thought that 
there was no hope for " La Palme " and her crew 
but in giving up the enterprise and making all sail 
at once for home, since France now had no port 
of refuge on the western continent nearer than 
Quebec. Rations were reduced to three ounces 
of biscuit and three of salt meat a day ; and after 
a time half of this pittance was cut off. There 
was diligent hunting for rats in the hold ; and 
when this game failed, the crew, crazed with 
famine, demanded of their captain that five Eng- 
lish prisoners who were on board should be butch- 
ered to appease the frenzy of their hunger. The 
captain consulted his officers, and they were of 
opinion that if he did not give his consent, the 
crew would work their will without it. The 
ship's butcher was accordingly ordered to bind 
one of the prisoners, carry him to the bottom of 
the hold, put him to death, and distribute his flesh 
to the men in portions of three ounces each. The 
captain, walking the deck in great agitation all 
night, found a pretext for deferring the deed till 
morning, when a watchman sent aloft at daylight 
cried, " A sail ! " The providential stranger was 
a Portuguese ship; and as Portugal was neutral 
in the war, she let the frigate approach to within 

184 DUG D'ANVILLE. [1746,1747. 

hailing distance. The Portuguese captain soon 
came alongside in a boat, "accompanied," in the 
words of the narrator, "by five sheep." These 
were eagerly welcomed by the starving crew as 
agreeable substitutes for the five Englishmen ; 
and being forthwith slaughtered, were parcelled 
out among the men, who would not wait till the 
flesh was cooked, but devoured it raw. Provisions 
enough were obtained from the Portuguese to 
keep the frigate's company alive till they reached 
Port Louis. 1 

There are no sufficient means of judging how 
far the disasters of D'Anville's fleet were due to 
a neglect of sanitary precautions or to deficient 
seamanship. Certain it is that there were many 
in self-righteous New England who would have 
held it impious to doubt that God had summoned 
the pestilence and the storm to fight the battles 
of his modern Israel. 

Undaunted by disastrous failure, the French 
court equipped another fleet, not equal to that 
of D'Anville, yet still formidable, and placed it 
under La Jonquiere, for the conquest of Acadia 
and Louisbourg. La Jonquiere sailed from 
Rochelle on the 10th of May, 1747, and on the 
14th was met by an English fleet stronger than 
his own and commanded by Admirals Anson and 
Warren. A fight ensued, in which, after brave 
resistance, the French were totally defeated. Six 

1 Relation du Voyage de Retour de M. Destrahoudal apres la Tempete 
du 14 Septembre, in Journal historique. 

1747.] ANOTHER BLOW. 185 

ships-of-war, including the flag-ship, were captured, 
with a host of prisoners, among whom was La 
Jonquiere himself. 1 

1 Relation du Combat rendu le 14 Mai (new style), par 1'Escadre du 
Roy commandee par M. de la Jonquiere, in Le Canada Francais, Supply 
ment de Documents inedits, 33. Newcastle to Shirley, 30 May, 1747. 







SINCE the capture of Louisbourg, France had held 
constantly in view, as an object of prime impor- 
tance, the recovery of her lost colony of Acadia. 
This was one of the chief aims of D'Anville's ex- 
pedition, and of that of La Jonquiere in the next 
year. And to make assurance still more sure, a 
large body of Canadians, under M. de Ramesay, 
had been sent to Acadia to co-operate with D'An- 
ville's force; but the greater part of them had 
been recalled to aid in* defending Quebec against 
the expected attack of the English. They re- 
turned when the news came that D'Anville was at 
Chibucto, and Ramesay, with a part of his com- 
mand, advanced upon Port Royal, or Annapolis, 
in order to support the fleet in its promised attack 
on that place. He encamped at a little distance 
from the English fort, till he heard of the disasters 

1745,1746.] APATHY OF NEWCASTLE. 187 

that had ruined the fleet, l and then fell back to 
Chignecto, on the neck of the Acadian peninsula, 
where he made his quarters, with a force which, 
including Micmac, Malecite, and Penobscot In- 

C ' J 

dians, amounted, at one time, to about sixteen 
hundred men. 

If France was bent on recovering Acadia, Shir- 
ley was no less resolved to keep it, if he could. 
In his belief, it was the key of the British Ameri- 
can colonies, and again and again he urged the 
Duke of Newcastle to protect it. But Newcastle 
seems scarcely to have known where Acadia 
was, being ignorant of most things except the art 
of managing the House of Commons, and care- 
less of all things that could not help his party 
and himself. Hence Shirley's hyperboles, though 
never without a basis of truth, were lost upon 
him. Once, it is true, he sent three hundred men 
to Annapolis ; but one hundred and eighty of them 
died on the voyage, or lay helpless in Boston hos- 
pitals, and the rest could better have been spared, 
some being recruits from English jails, and others 
Irish Catholics, several of whom deserted to the 
French, with information of the state of the 

The defence of Acadia was left to Shirley and 
his Assembly, who in time of need sent compa- 
nies of militia and rangers to Annapolis, and 
thus on several occasions saved it from returning 
to France. Shirley was the most watchful and 
strenuous defender of British interests on the 

1 Journal de Beaujeu, in Le Canada Franfais, Documents, 53. 

188 ACADIAN CONFLICTS. [1745, 1746, 

continent ; and in the present crisis British and 
colonial interests were one. He held that if 
Acadia were lost, the peace and safety of all the 
other colonies would be in peril ; and in spite of the 
immense efforts made by the French court to re- 
cover it, he felt that the chief danger of the province 
was not from without, but from within. " If a 
thousand French troops should land in Nova 
Scotia," he writes to Newcastle, "all the people 
would rise to join them, besides all the Indians." l 
So, too, thought the French officials in America. 
The Governor and Intendant of Canada wrote to 
the colonial minister : " The inhabitants, with few 
exceptions, wish to return under the French do- 
minion, and will not hesitate to take up arms as 
soon as they see themselves free to do so ; that is, 
as soon as we become masters of Port Royal, or 
they have powder and other munitions of war, 
and are backed by troops for their protection 
against the resentment of the English." 2 Up to 
this time, however, though they had aided Du- 
vivier in his attack on Annapolis so far as was 
possible without seeming to do so, they had not 
openly taken arms, and their refusal to fight 
for the besiegers is one among several causes 
to which Mascarene ascribes the success of his 
defence. While the greater part remained at- 
tached to France, some leaned to the English, 
who bought their produce and paid them in ready 
coin. Money was rare with the Acadians, who 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 29 Oct. 1745. 

a Beauharnois et llocquart au Ministre, 12 Sept. 1745. 

1745, 1746.] THE ACADIANS. 189 

loved it, and were so addicted to hoarding it that 
the French authorities were led to speculate 
as to what might be the object of these careful 
savings. 1 

Though the Acadians loved France, they were 
not always ready to sacrifice their interests to 
her. They would not supply Ramesay's force 
with provisions in exchange for his promissory 
notes, but demanded hard cash. 2 This he had 
not to give, and was near being compelled to 
abandon his position in consequence. At the 
same time, in consideration of specie payment, 
the inhabitants brought in fuel for the English 
garrison at Louisbourg, and worked at repairing 
the rotten chevaux de frise of Annapolis. 3 

Mascarene, commandant at that place, being 
of French descent, was disposed at first to sym- 
pathize with the Acadians and treat them with 
a lenity that to the members of his council 
seemed neither fitting nor prudent. He wrote 
to Shirley : " The French inhabitants are cer- 
tainly in a very perilous situation, those who 
pretend to be their friends and old masters hav- 
ing let loose a parcel of banditti to plunder 
them ; whilst, on the other hand, they see them- 
selves threatened with ruin if they fail in their 
allegiance to the British Government." 

This unhappy people were in fact between 

1 Beauharnois et Hocquart au Ministre, 12 Sept. 1745. 

3 Ibid. 

8 Admiral Knowles a 1746. Mascarene in Le Canada Francois, 

Documents, 82. 

4 Mascarene, in Le Canada Francois, Documents, 81. 

190 ACADIAN CONFLICTS. [1745,1746. 

two fires. France claimed them on one side, and 
England on the other, and each demanded their 
adhesion, without regard to their feelings or 
their welfare. The banditti of whom Mascarene 
speaks were the Micmac Indians, who were com- 
pletely under the control of their missionary, Le 
Loutre, and were used by him to terrify the in- 
habitants into renouncing their English allegiance 
and actively supporting the French cause. By 
the Treaty of Utrecht France had transferred 
Acadia to Great Britain, and the inhabitants had 
afterwards taken an oath of fidelity to King 
George. Thus they were British subjects ; but as 
their oath had been accompanied by a promise, 
or at least a clear understanding, that they should 
not be required to take arms against Frenchmen 
or Indians, they had become known as the " Neu- 
tral French." This name tended to perplex them, 
and in their ignorance and simplicity they hardly 
knew to which side they owed allegiance. Their 
illiteracy was extreme. Few of them could sign 
their names, and a contemporary well acquainted 
with them declares that he knew but a single 
Acadian who could read and write. 1 This was 
probably the notary, Le Blanc, whose compositions 
are crude and illiterate. Ignorant of books and 
isolated in a wild and remote corner of the 
world, the Acadians knew nothing of affairs, 
and were totally incompetent to meet the crisis 
that was soon to come upon them. In activity 

1 Moiae des Derniers, in Le Canada Francois, I. 118. 

1720.] THE ACADIANS. 191 

and enterprise they were far behind the Canadians, 
who looked on them as inferiors. Their pleasures 
were those of the humblest and simplest peasants ; 
they were contented with their lot, and asked 
only to be let alone. Their intercourse was un- 
ceremonious to such a point that they never ad- 
dressed each other, or, it is said, even strangers, 
as monsieur. They had the social equality which 
can exist only in the humblest conditions of socie- 
ty, and presented the phenomenon of a primitive 
little democracy, hatched under the wing of an 
absolute monarchy. Each was as good as his 
neighbor ; they had no natural leaders, nor any to 
advise or guide them, except the missionary priest, 
who in every case was expected by his superiors 
to influence them in the interest of France, and 
who, in fact, constantly did so. While one ob- 
server represents them as living in a state of pri- 
meval innocence, another describes both men and 
women as extremely foul of speech ; from which 
he draws inferences unfavorable to their domestic 
morals, l which, nevertheless, were commendable. 
As is usual with a well-fed and unambitious 
peasantry, they were very prolific, and are said 
to have doubled their number every sixteen 
years. In 1748 they counted in the peninsula of 
Nova Scotia between twelve and thirteen thou- 
sand souls. 2 The English rule had been of the 
lightest, so light that it could scarcely be felt ; 

1 Journal de Franquet, Part IL 

2 Description de I'Acadie, avec le Nom des Paroisses et le Nombre de 
Habitants, 1748. 

192 ACADIAN CONFLICTS. [1745,1747!. 

and this was not surprising, since the only instru- 
ments for enforcing it over a population wholly 
French were some two hundred disorderly soldiers 
in the crumbling little fort of Annapolis ; and 
the province was left, perforce, to take care of 

The appearance of D'Anville's fleet caused great 
excitement among the Acadians, who thought that 
they were about to pass again under the Crown of 
France. Fifty of them went on board the French 
ships at Chibucto to pilot them to the attack of 
Annapolis, and to their dismay found that no 
attack was to be made. When Ramesay, with 
his Canadians and Indians, took post at Chignecto 
and built a fort at Baye Verte, on the neck of the 
peninsula, of Nova Scotia, the English power in 
that part of the colony seemed at an end. The 
inhabitants cut off all communication with An- 
napolis, and detained the officers whom Mascarene 
sent for intelligence. 

From the first outbreak of the war it was 
evident that the French built their hopes of recov- 
ering Acadia largely on a rising of the Acadians 
against the English rule, and that they spared no 
efforts to excite such a rising. Early in 1745 
a violent and cruel precaution against this danger 
was suggested. William Shirreff, provincial sec- 
retary, gave it as his opinion that the Acadians 
ought to be removed, being a standing menace to 
the colony. 1 This is the first proposal of such a 

1 Shirreffto K. Gould, agent of Phillips' ' Regiment, March, 1745. 


nature that, I find. Some months later, Shirley 
writes that, on a false report of the capture of 
Annapolis by the French, the Acadians sang Te 
Deum, and that every sign indicates that there 
will be an attempt in the spring to capture An- 
napolis, with their help. 1 Again, Shirley informs 
Newcastle that the French will get possession of 
Acadia unless the most dangerous of the inhabi- 
tants are removed, and English settlers put in 
their place. 2 He adds that there are not two 
hundred and twenty soldiers at Annapolis to 
defend the province against the whole body of 
Acadians and Indians, and he tells the minister 
that unless the expedition against Canada should 
end in the conquest of that country, the removal 
of some of the Acadians will be a necessity. He 
means those of Chignecto, who were kept in a 
threatening attitude by the presence of Rame- 
say and his Canadians, and who, as he thinks, 
had forfeited their lands by treasonable conduct. 
Shirley believes that families from New England 
might be induced to take their place, and that 
these, if settled under suitable regulations, would 
form a military frontier to the province of Nova 
Scotia " strong enough to keep the Canadians 
out," and hold the Acadians to their allegiance. 3 
The Duke of Bedford thinks the plan a good one, 
but objects to the expense. 4 Commodore Knowles, 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 14 Dec. 1745. 

2 Ibid., 10 May, 1746. 
8 Ibid. ,8 July, 1747. 

* Bedford to Newcastle, 11 Sept. 1747. 

VOL. II. 13 

194 ACADIAN CONFLICTS. [1745-1747. 

then governor of Louisbourg, who, being threat- 
ened with consumption and convinced that the 
climate was killing him, vented his feelings in 
strictures against everything and everybody, was 
of opinion that the Acadians, having broken 
their neutrality, ought to be expelled at once, 
and expresses the amiable hope that should his 
Majesty adopt this plan, he will charge him 
with executing it. 1 

Shirley's energetic nature inclined him to tren- 
chant measures, and he had nothing of modern 
humanitarianism ; but he was not inhuman, and 
he shrank from the cruelty of forcing whole com- 
munities into exile. While Knowles and others 
called for wholesale expatriation, he still held 
that it was possible to turn the greater part of 
the Acadians into safe subjects of the British 
Crown ; 2 and to this end he advised the planting 
of a fortified town where Halifax now stands, and 
securing by forts and garrisons the neck of the 
Acadian peninsula, where the population was most 
numerous and most disaffected. The garrisons, he 
thought, would not only impose respect, but would 

1 Knowles to Newcastle, 8 Nov. 1 746. 

2 Shirley says that the indiscriminate removal of the Acadians would 
be " nnjust " and " too rigorous." Knowles had proposed to put Catholic 
J:\cobites from the Scotch Highlands into their place. Shirley thinks this 
inexpedient, hut believes that Protestants from Germany and Ulster might 
safely be trusted. The best plan of all, in his opinion, is that of " treat- 
ing the Acadians as subjects, confining their punishment to the most 
guilty and dangerous among 'em, and keeping the rest in the country 
and endeavoring to make them useful members of society under his 
Majesty's Government." Shirley to Newcastle, 21 Nov. 1746. If the 
Newcastle Government had vigorously carried his recommendations into 
effect, the removal of the Acadians in 1755 would not have taken place. 

1746,1747.] SHIRLEY AND THE ACADIANS. 195 

furnish the Acadians with what they wanted 
most, ready markets for their produce, and 
thus bind them to the British by strong ties of 
interest. Newcastle thought the plan good, but 
wrote that its execution must be deferred to a 
future day. Three years later it was partly car- 
ried into effect by the foundation of Halifax ; but 
at that time the disaffection of the Acadians had so 
increased, and the hope of regaining the province 
for France had risen so high, that this partial and 
tardy assertion of British authority only spurred 
the French agents to redoubled efforts to draw the 
inhabitants from the allegiance they had sworn to 
the Crown of England. 

Shirley had also other plans in view for turn- 
ing the Acadians into good British subjects. He 
proposed, as a measure of prime necessity, to 
exclude French priests from the province. The 
free exercise of their religion had been insured to 
the inhabitants by the Treaty of Utrecht, and on 
this point the English authorities had given no 
just cause of complaint. A priest had occasion- 
ally been warned, suspended, or removed ; but 
without a single exception, so far as appears, this 
was in consequence of conduct which tended to 
excite disaffection, and which would have incurred 
equal or greater penalties in the case of a layman. 1 
The sentence was directed, not against the priest, 

1 There was afterwards sharp correspondence between Shirley and the 
Governor of Canada touching the Acadian priests. Thus, Shirley writes : 
" I can't avoid now, Sir, expressing great surprise at the other parts of 
your letter, whereby yon take upon you to call Mr. Mascarene to account 
for expelling the missionary from Minas for being guilty of such treason- 

196 ACADIAN CONFLICTS. [1745-1747. 

but against the political agitator. Shirley's plan of 
excluding French priests from the province would 
not have violated the provisions of the treaty, 
provided that the inhabitants were supplied with 
other priests, not French subjects, and therefore 
not politically dangerous ; but though such a 
measure was several times proposed by the pro- 
vincial authorities, the exasperating apathy of the 
Newcastle Government gave no hope that it could 
be accomplished. 

The influences most dangerous to British rule did 
not proceed from love of France or sympathy of 
race, but from the power of religion over a simple 
and ignorant people, trained in profound love and 
awe of their Church and its ministers, who were 
used by the representatives of Louis XV. as agents 
to alienate the Acadians from England. 

The most strenuous of these clerical agitators 
was Abbe" Le Loutre, missionary to the Micmacs, 
and after 1753 vicar-general of Acadia. He was 
a fiery 'and enterprising zealot, inclined by tem- 
perament to methods of violence, detesting the 
English, and restrained neither by pity nor scru- 
ple from using threats of damnation and the 
Micmac tomahawk to frighten the Acadians into 

able practices within His Majesty's government as merited a ranch severer 
Punishment." Shirley a Gahssoniere, 9 Mai, 1749. 

Shirley writes to Newcastle that the Acadians "are greatly under the 
influence of their priests, who continually receive their directions from 
tlie Bishop of Quebec, and are the instruments by which the Governor of 
Canada makes all his attempts for the reduction of the province to the 
French Crown." Shirley to Newcastle, 20 Oct. 1747. He pro'ceeds to give 
facts in proof of his assertion. Compare Montcalm and Wolfe, I. 106, 107, 
266, note. 

1745-1747.] SHIRLEY'S PROPOSALS. 197 

doing his bidding. The worst charge against 
him, that of exciting the Indians of his mission 
to murder Captain Howe, an English officer, has 
not been proved ; but it would not have been 
brought against him by his own countrymen if 
his character and past conduct had gained him 
their esteem. 

The other Acadian priests were far from sharing 
Le Loutre's violence ; but their influence was al- 
ways directed to alienating the inhabitants from 
their allegiance to King George. Hence Shirley 
regarded the conversion of the Acadians to Protes- 
tantism as a political measure of the first impor- 
tance, and proposed the establishment of schools in 
the province to that end. Thus far his recommen- 
dations are perfectly legitimate ; but when he adds 
that rewards ought to be given to Acadians who 
renounce their faith, few will venture to defend 

Newcastle would trouble himself with none of 
his schemes, and Acadia was left to drift with 
the tide, as before. " I shall finish my troubleing 
your Grace upon the affairs of Nova Scotia with 
this letter," writes the persevering Shirley. And 
he proceeds to ask, " as a proper Scheme for better 
securing the Subjection of the French inhabitants 
and Indians there," that the Governor and Coun- 
cil at Annapolis have special authority and direc- 
tion from the King to arrest and examine such 
Acadians as shall be " most obnoxious and dan- 
gerous to his Majesty's Government ; " and if 
found guilty of treasonable correspondence with 

198 ACADIAN CONFLICTS. [1746,1747. 

the enemy, to dispose of them and their estates in 
such manner as his Majesty shall order, at the 
same time promising indemnity to the rest for 
past offences, upon their taking or renewing the 
oath of allegiance. 1 ' 

To this it does not appear that Newcastle made 
any answer except to direct Shirley, eight or nine 
months later, to tell the Acadians that so long as 
they were peaceable subjects, they should be pro- 
tected in property and religion. 2 Thus left to 
struggle unaided with a most difficult problem, 
entirely outside of his functions as governor of 
Massachusetts, Shirley did what he could. The 
most pressing danger, as he thought, rose from 
the presence of Ramesay and his Canadians at 
Chignecto ; for that officer spared no pains to 
induce the Acadians to join him in another at- 
tempt against Annapolis, telling them that if they 
did not drive out the English, the English would 
drive them out/ He was now at Mines, trying to 
raise the inhabitants in arras for France. Shirley 
thought it necessary to counteract him, and v force 
him and his Canadians back to the isthmus whence 
they had come ; but as the ministry would give 
no soldiers, he was compelled to draw them 
from New England. The defence of Acadia was 
the business of the Home Government, and not of 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 15 Aug. 1746. 

2 Newcastle to Shirley, 30 Afai/, 1747. Shirley had some time before 
directed Mascarene to tell the Acadians that while they behave peaceably 
and do not correspond with the enemy, their property will be safe, but 
that such as turn traitors will be treated accordingly. Shirley to Mas- 
carene, 16 Sept. 1746. 

1746,1747.] NOBLE AT GRAND PRfe 199 

the colonies ; but as they were deeply interested 
in the preservation of the endangered province, 
Massachusetts gave five hundred men in response 
to Shirley's call, and Rhode Island and New 
Hampshire added, between them, as many more. * 
Less than half of these levies reached Acadia. It 
was the stormy season. The Rhode Island vessels 
were wrecked near Martha's Vineyard. A New 
Hampshire transport sloop was intercepted by a 
French armed vessel, and ran back to Portsmouth. 
Four hundred and seventy men from Massachu- 
setts, under Colonel Arthur Noble, were all who 
reached Annapolis, whence they sailed for Mines, 
accompanied by a few soldiers of the garrison. 
Storms, drifting ice, and the furious tides of the 
Bay of Fundy made their progress so difficult and 
uncertain that Noble resolved to finish the jour- 
ney by land ; and on the 4th of December he dis- 
embarked near the place now called French Cross, 
at the foot of the North Mountain, a lofty 
barrier of rock and forest extending along the 
southern shore of the Bay of Fundy. Without a 
path and without guides, the party climbed the 
snow-encumbered heights and toiled towards their 
destination, each man carrying provisions for 
fourteen days in his haversack. After sleeping 
eight nights without shelter among the snowdrifts, 
they reached the Acadian village of Grand Pre, the 
chief settlement of the district of Mines. Ra- 
mesay and his Canadians were gone. On learning 
the approach of an English force, he had tried 
to persuade the Acadians that they were to be 

200 ACADIAN CONFLICTS. [1746,1747. 

driven from their homes, and that their only hope 
was in joining with him to meet force by force ; 
but they trusted Shirley's recent assurance^oTpro- 
tection, and replied that they would not break 
their oath of fidelity_J^o__Kmg_George. On this, 
Ramesay retreated to his old station at Chignecto, 
and Noble and his men occupied Grand Pre with- 
out opposition. 

The village consisted of small, low wooden 
houses, scattered at intervals for the distance of a 
mile and a half, and therefore ill fitted for defence. 
The English had the frame of a blockhouse, or, as 
some say, of two blockhouses, ready to be set up 
on their arrival ; but as the ground was hard frozen 
it was difficult to make a foundation, and the 
frames were therefore stored in outbuildings of 
the village, with the intention of raising them in 
the spring. The vessels which had brought them, 
together with stores, ammunition, five small can- 
non, and a good supply of snow-shoes, had just 
arrived at the landing-place, and here, with in- 
credible fatuity, were allowed to remain, with 
most of their indispensable contents still on board. 
The men, meanwhile, were quartered in the Aca- 
dian houses. 

Noble's position was-critical, but he was assured 
that he could 'not be reached from Chignecto in 
such a bitter season ; and this he was too ready 
to believe, though he himself had just made a 
march, which, if not so long, was quite as arduous. 
Yet he did not neglect every precaution, but kept 
out scouting-parties to range the surrounding coun- 

1747.] A BOLD ENTERPRISE. 201 

try, while the rest of his men took their ease in 
the Acadian houses, living on the provisions of the 
villagers, for which payment was afterwards made. 
Some of the inhabitants, who had openly favored 
Ramesay and his followers, fled to the woods, in 
fear of the consequences ; but the greater part 
remained quietly in the village. 

At the head of the Bay of Fundy its waters 
form a fork, consisting of Chignecto Bay on the 
one hand, and Mines Basin on the other. At the 
head of Chignecto Bay was the Acadian settlement 
of Chignecto, or Beaubassin, in the houses of which 
Ramesay had quartered his Canadians. Here the 
neck of the Acadian peninsula is at its narrowest, 
the distance across to Baye Verte, where Ramesay 
had built a fort, being little more than twelve 
miles. Thus he controlled the isthmus, from 
which, however, Noble hoped to dislodge him in 
the spring. 

In the afternoon of the 8th of January an Aca- 
dian who had been sent to Mines by the missionary 
Germain, came to Beaubassin with the news that 
two hundred and twenty English were at Grand 
Pre, and that more were expected. 1 Ramesay in- 
stantly formed a plan of extraordinary hardihood, 
and resolved, by a rapid march and a night attack, 
to surprise the new-comers. His party was greatly 
reduced by disease, and to recruit it he wrote to 
La Come, Recollet missionary at Miramichi, to join 
him with his Indians ; writing at the same time 

1 Beaujeu, Journal de la Campacjne du Detachement de Canada a 
I'Acadie, in Le Canada Frangais, II. Documents, 16. 


to Maillard, former colleague of Le Loutre at the 
mission of Shubenacadie, and to Girard, priest of 
Cobequid, to muster Indians, collect provisions, 
and gather information concerning the English. 
Meanwhile his Canadians busied themselves with 
making sn_ow-.shi}es and dog-sledges for the march. 

Ramesay coulcTnot command tfer'Bxpedition in 
person, as an accident to one of his knees had 
disabled him from marching. This was less to be 
regretted, in view of the quality of his officers, 
for he had with him the flower of the warlike 
Canadian noblesse, Coulon de Villiers, who, seven 
years later, defeated Washington at Fort Neces- 
sity ; Beaujeu, the future hero of the Mononga- 
hela, in appearance a carpet knight, in reality 
a bold and determined warrior ; the Chevalier de 
la Corne, a model of bodily and mental hardihood ; 
Saint-Pierre, Lanaudiere, Saint-Ours, Desligneris, 
Courtemanche, Repentigny, Boishebert, Gaspe*, 
Colombiere, Marin, Lusignan, all adepts in the 
warfare of surprise and sudden onslaught in which 
the Canadians excelled. 

Coulon de Villiers commanded in Ramesay's 
place; and on the 21st of January he and the 
other officers led their men across the isthmus 
from Beaubassin to Baye Verte, where they all 
encamped in the woods, and where they were 
joined by a party of Indians and some Acadians 
from Beaubassin and Isle St. Jean. 1 Provisions, 
ammunition, and other requisites were distribu- 
ted, and at noon of the 23d they broke up their 

1 Mascarene to Shirley, 8 Feb. 1746 (1747, new style). 

1747.] A WINTER MARCH. 203 

camp, marched three leagues, and bivouacked 
towards evening. On the next morning they 
marched again at daybreak. There was sharp 
cold, with a storm of snow, not the large, 
moist, lazy flakes that fall peacefully and harm- 
lessly, but those small crystalline particles that 
drive spitefully before the wind, and prick the 
cheek like needles. It was the kind of snow- 
storm called in Canada la poudrerie. They had 
hoped to make a long day's march ; but feet and 
faces were freezing, and they were forced to stop, 
at noon, under such shelter as the thick woods 
of pine, spruce, and fir could supply. In the 
morning they marched again, following the border 
of the sea, their dog-teams dragging provisions 
and baggage over the broken ice of creeks and 
inlets, which they sometimes avoided by hewing 
paths through the forest. After a day of extreme 
fatigue they stopped at the small bay where the 
town of Wallace now stands. Beaujeu says : 
" While we were digging out the snow to make 
our huts, there came two Acadians with letters 
from MM. Maillard and Girard." The two priests 
sent a mixture of good and evil news. On one 
hand the English were more numerous than, had 
been reported ; on the other, they had not set up 
the blockhouses they had brought with them. 
Some Acadians of the neighboring settlement 
joined the party at this camp, as also did a few 

On the next morning, January 27th, the ad- 
venturers stopped at the village of Tatmagouche, 


where they were again joined by a number of 
Acadians. After mending their broken sledges 
they resumed their march, and at five in the after- 
noon reached a place called Bacouel, at the be- 
ginning of the portage that led some twenty-five 
miles across the country to Cobequid, now Truro, 
at the head of Mines Basin. Here they were met 
by Girard, priest of Cobequid, from whom Coulon 
exacted a promise to meet him again at that vil- 
lage in two days. Girard gave the promise un- 
willingly, fearing, says Beaujeu, to embroil himself 
with the English authorities. He reported that 
the force at Grand Pr6 counted at least four hun- 
dred and fifty, or, as some said, more than five 
hundred. This startling news ran through the 
camp ; but the men were not daunted. " The more 
there are," they said, " the more we shall kill." 

The party spent the 28th in mending their 
damaged sledges, and in the afternoon they were 
joined by more Acadians and Indians. Thus re- 
inforced, they marched again, and towards even- 
ing reached a village on the outskirts of Cobequid. 
Here the missionary Maillard joined them, to the 
great satisfaction of Coulon, who relied on him 
and his brother priest Girard to procure supplies 
of provisions. Maillard promised to go himself 
to Grand Pre with the Indians of his mission. 

' The party rested for a day, and set out again 
on the 1st of February, stopped at Halliard's 
house in Cobequid for the provisions he had col- 
lected for them, and then pushed on towards the 
river Shubenacadie, which runs from the south 

1747.] A WINTER MARCH. 205 

into Cobequid Bay, the head of Mines Basin. 
When they reached the river they found it im- 
passable from floating ice, which forced them to 
seek a passage at some distance above. Coulon 
was resolved, however, that at any risk a detach- 
ment should cross at once, to stop the roads to 
Grand Pre, and prevent the English from being 
warned of his approach ; for though the Acadians 
inclined to the French, and were eager to serve 
them when the risk was not too great, there were 
some of them who, from interest or fear, were 
ready to make favor with the English by carrying 
them intelligence. Boishebert, .with ten Cana- 
dians, put out from shore in a canoe, and were 
near perishing among the drifting ice; but they 
gained the farther shore at last, and guarded every 
path to Grand Pre. The main body filed on snow- 
shoes up the east bank of the Shubenacadie, where 
the forests were choked with snow and encum- 
bered with fallen trees, over which the sledges 
were to be dragged, to their great detriment. On 
this day, the 3d, they made five leagues ; on the 
next only two, which brought them within half 
a league of Le Loutre's Micrnac mission. Not far 
from this place the river was easily passable on 
the ice, and they continued their march westward 
across the country to the river Kennetcook by 
ways so difficult that their Indian guide lost the 
path, and for a time led them astray. On the 
7th, Boishebert and his party rejoined them, and 
brought a reinforcement of sixteen Indians, whom 
the Acadians had furnished with arms. Provisions 


were failing, till on the 8th, as they approached 
the village of Pisiquld, now Windsor, the Aca- 
dians, with great zeal, brought them a supply. 
They told them, too, that the English at Grand 
Pre were perfectly secure, suspecting no danger. 

On the 9th, in spite of a cold, dry storm of 
snow, they reached the west branch of the river 
Avon. It was but seven French leagues to Grand 
Pre, which they hoped to reach before night ; but 
fatigue compelled them to rest till the 10th. At 
noon of that day, the storm still continuing, they 
marched again, though they could hardly see their 
way for the driving snow. They soon came to a 
small stream, along the frozen surface of which 
they drew up in order, and, by command of 
Coulon, Beaujeu divided them all into ten parties, 
for simultaneous attacks on as many houses occu- 
pied by the English. Then, marching slowly, lest 
they should arrive too soon, they reached the 
river Gaspereau, which enters Mines Basin at 
Grand Pre. They were now but half a league 
from their destination. Here they stopped an 
hour in the storm, shivering and half frozen, 
waiting for nightfall. When it grew dark they 
moved again, and soon came to a number of 
houses on the river-bank. Each of the ten parties 
took possession of one of these, making great 
fires to warm themselves and dry their guns. 

It chanced that in the house where Coulon and 
his band sought shelter, a wedding-feast was going i 
on. The guests were much startled at this sudden 
irruption of armed men ; but to the Canadians 

1747.] PLAN OF ATTACK. 207 

and their chief the festival was a stroke of amaz- 
ing good luck, for most of the guests were inhabi- 
tants of Grand Pre, who knew perfectly the houses 
occupied by the English, and could tell with pre- 
cision where the officers were quartered. This 
was a point of extreme importance. The English 
were distributed among twenty-four houses, scat- 
tered, as before mentioned, for the distance of a 
mile and a half. 1 The assailants were too few to 
attack all these houses at once ; but if those where 
the chief officers lodged could be surprised and 
captured with their inmates, the rest could make 
little resistance. Hence it was that Coulon had 
divided his followers into ten parties, each with 
one or more chosen officers ; these officers were 
now called together at the house of the inter- 
rupted festivity, and the late guests having given 
full information as to the position of the English 
quarters and the military quality of their inmates, 
a special object of attack was assigned to the 
officer of each party, with Acadian guides to con- 
duct him to it. The principal party, consisting of 
fifty, or, as another account says, of seventy-five 
men, was led by Coulon himself, with Beaujeu, 
Desligneris, Mercier, Lery, and Lusignan as his 
officers. This party was to attack a stone house 
near the middle of the village, where the main 
guard was stationed, a building somewhat 
larger than the rest, and the only one at all 
suited for defence. The second party, of forty 

1 Goldthwait to Shirley, 2 March, 1746 (1747). Captain Benjamin 
Goldthwait was second in command of the English detachment. 


men, commanded by La Corne, with Rigauville, 
Lagny, and Villemont, was to attack a neighbor- 
ing house, the quarters of Colonel Noble, his 
brother, Ensign Noble, and several other officers. 
The remaining parties, of twenty-five men each 
according to Beaujeu, or twenty-eight according 
to La Corne, were to make a dash, as nearly as 
possible at the same time, at other houses which 
it was thought most important to secure. All 
had Acadian guides, whose services in that ca- 
pacity were invaluable ; though Beaujeu complains 
that they were of -no use in the attack. He says 
that the united force was about three hundred 
men, while the English Captain Goldthwait puts 
it, including Acadians and Indians, at from five 
to six hundred. That of the English was a 
little above five hundred in all. Every arrange- 
ment being made, and his part assigned to each 
officer, the whole body was drawn up in the 
storm, and the chaplain pronounced a general 
absolution. Then each of the ten parties, guided 
by one or more Acadians, took the path for its 
destination, every man on snow-shoes, with the 
lock of his gun well sheltered under his capote. 

The largest party, under Coulon, was, as we 
have seen, to attack the stone house in the middle 
of the village; but their guide went astray, and 
about three in the morning they approached a 
small wooden house not far from their true object. 
A guard was posted here, as at all the English 
quarters. The night was dark and the snow was 
still falling, as it had done without ceasing for the 

1747.] COULON'S ATTACK. 209 

past thirty hours. The English sentinel descried 
through the darkness and the storm what seemed 
the shadows of an advancing crowd of men. He 
cried, " Who goes there ? " and then shouted, " To 
arms ! " A door was flung open, and the guard 
appeared in the entrance. But at that moment 
the moving shadows vanished from before the 
eyes of the sentinel. The French, one and all, 
had thrown themselves flat in the soft, light snow, 
and nothing was to be seen or heard. The Eng- 
lish thought it a false alarm, and the house was 
quiet again. Then Coulon and his men rose and 
dashed forward. Again, in a loud and startled 
voice, the sentinel shouted, " To arms ! " A great 
light, as of a blazing fire, shone through the open 
doorway, and men were seen within in hurried 
movement. Coulon, who was in the front, said 
to Beaujeu, who was close at his side, that the 
house was not the one they were to attack. 
Beaujeu replied that it was no time to change, 
and Coulon dashed forward again. Beaujeu aimed 
at the sentinel and shot him dead. There was the 
flash and report of muskets from the house, and 
Coulon dropped in the snow, severely wounded. 
The young cadet, Lusignan, was hit in the shoul- 
der ; but he still pushed on, when a second shot 
shattered his thigh. "Friends," cried the gallant 
youth, as he fell by the side of his commander, 
" don't let two dead men discourage you." The 
Canadians, powdered from head to foot with 
snow, burst into the house. Within ten minutes, 
all resistance was overpowered. Of twenty-four 

VOL. II. 14 


Englishmen, twenty-one were killed, and three 
made prisoners. 1 

Meanwhile, La Corne, with his party of forty 
men, had attacked the house where were quar- 
tered Colonel Noble and his brother, with Cap- 
tain Howe and several other officers. Noble had 
lately transferred the main guard to the stone 
house, but had not yet removed thither himself, 
and the guard in the house which he occupied was 
small. The French burst the door with axes, and 
rushed in. Colonel Noble, startled from sleep, 
sprang from his bed, receiving two musket-balls 
in the body as he did so. He seems to have had 
pistols, for he returned the fire several times. His 
servant, who was in the house, testified that the 
French called to the Colonel through a window 
and promised him quarter if he would surrender ; 
but that he refused, on which they fired again, 
and a bullet, striking his forehead, killed him 
instantly. His brother, Ensign Noble, was also 
shot down, fighting in his shirt. Lieutenants 
Pickering and Lechmere lay in bed dangerously 
ill, and were killed there. Lieutenant Jones, 
after, as the narrator says, " ridding himself of 
some of the enemy," tried to break through 
the rest and escape, but was run through the 
heart with a bayonet. Captain Howe was se- 
verely wounded and made prisoner. 

Coulon and Lusignan, disabled by their wounds, 
were carried back to the houses on the Gaspereau, 
where the French surgeon had remained. Coulon's 

1 Beaujeu, Journal. 


party, now commanded by Beaujeu, having met 
and joined the smaller party under Lotbiniere, pro- 
ceeded to the aid of others who might need their 
help ; for while they heard a great noise of mus- 
ketry from far and near, and could discern bodies 
of men in motion here and there, they could not 
see whether these were friends or foes, or discern 
which side fortune favored. They presently met 
the party of Marin, composed of twenty-five In- 
dians, who had just been repulsed with loss from 
the house which they had attacked. By this time 
there was a gleam of daylight, and as they plodded 
wearily over the snow-drifts, they no longer groped 
in darkness. The two parties of Colornbiere and 
Boishe'bert soon joined them, with the agreeable 
news that each had captured a house ; and the 
united force now proceeded to make a successful 
attack on two buildings where the English had 
stored the frames of their blockhouses. Here the 
assailants captured ten prisoners. It was now 
broad day, but they could not see through the fall- 
ing snow whether the enterprise, as a whole, 
had prospered or failed. Therefore Beaujeu sent 
Marin to find La Corne, who, in the absence of 
Coulon, held the chief command. Marin was gone 
two hours. At length he returned, and reported 
that the English in the houses which had not been 
attacked, together with such others as had not 
been killed or captured, had drawn together at 
the stone house in the middle of the village, that 
La Corne was blockading them there, and that he 
ordered Beaujeu and his party to join him at once. 


When Beaujeu reached the place he found La 
Come posted at the house where Noble had been 
killed, and which was within easy musket-shot of 
the stone house occupied by the English, against 
whom a spattering fire was kept up by the French 
from the cover of neighboring buildings. Those 
in the stone house returned the fire ; but no great 
harm was done on either side, till the English, now 
commanded by Captain Goldthwait, attempted to 
recapture the house where La Corne and his party 
were posted. Two companies made a sally ; but 
they had among them only eighteen pairs of snow- 
shoes, the rest having been left on board the two 
vessels which had brought the stores of the de- 
tachment from Annapolis, and which now lay 
moored hard by, in the power of the enemy, at 
or near the mouth of the Gaspereau. Hence the 
sallying party floundered helpless among the 
drifts, plunging so deep in the dry snow that they 
could not use their guns and could scarcely move, 
while bullets showered upon them from La Corne's 
men in the house and others hovering about them 
on snow-shoes. The attempt was hopeless, and 
after some loss the two companies fell back. The 
firing continued, as before, till noon, or, according 
to Beaujeu, till three in the afternoon, when a 
French officer, carrying a flag of truce, came out 
of La Corne's house. The occasion of the overture 
was this. 

Captain Howe, who, as before mentioned, had 
been badly wounded at the capture of this house, 
was still there, a prisoner, without surgical aid, 


the French, surgeon being at the houses on the 
Gaspereau, in charge of Coulon and other wounded 
men. " Though," says Beaujeu, " M. Howe was 
a firm man, he begged the Chevalier La Corne not 
to let him bleed to death for want of aid, but per- 
mit him to send for an English surgeon." To this 
La Corne, after consulting with his officers, con- 
sented, and Marin went to the English with a 
white flag and a note from Howe explaining the 
situation. The surgeon was sent, and Howe's 
wound was dressed, Marin remaining as a hostage. 
A suspension of arms took place till the surgeon's 
return ; after which it was prolonged till nine 
o'clock of the next morning, at the instance, ac- 
cording to French accounts, of the English, and, 
according to English accounts, of the French. In 
either case, the truce was welcome to both sides. 
The English, who were in the stone house to the 
number of nearly three hundred and fif ty^ crowded 
to suffocation, had five small cannon, two of w r hich 
were four-pounders, and three were swivels; but 
these were probably not in position, as it does not 
appear that any use was made of them. There was 
no ammunition except what the men had in their 
powder-horns and bullet-pouches, the main stock 
having been left, with other necessaries, on board 
the schooner and sloop now in the hands of the 
French. It was found, on examination, that they 
had ammunition for eight shots each, and provis- 
ions for one day. Water was only to be had 
by bringing it from a neighboring brook. As 
there were snow-shoes for only about one man 


in twenty, sorties were out of the question ; 
and the house was commanded by high ground 
on three sides. 

Though their number was still considerable, 
their position was growing desperate. Thus it 
happened that when the truce expired, Gold- 
thwait, the English commander, with another 
officer., who seems to have been Captain Preble, 
came with a white flag to the house where La 
Corne was posted, and proposed terms of capitula- 
tion, Howe, who spoke French, acting as inter- 
preter. La Corne made proposals on his side, and 
as neither party was anxious to -continue the 
fray, they soon came to an understanding. 

It was agreed that within forty-eight hours 
the English should march for Annapolis with the 
honors of war; that the prisoners taken by the 
French should remain in their hands ; that the In- 
dians, who had been the only plunderers, should 
keep the plunder they had taken ; that the Eng- 
lish sick and wounded should be left, till their 
recovery, at the neighboring settlement of Riviere- 
aux-Canards, protected by a French guard, and 
that the English engaged in the affair at Grand 
Pre* should not bear arms during the next six 
months within the district about the head of the 
Bay of Fundy, including Chignecto, Grand Pre, 
and the neighboring settlements. 

Captain Howe was released on parole, with the 
condition that he should send back in exchange 
one Lacroix, a French prisoner at Boston, 
"which," says La Corne, "he faithfully did." 

1747.] RESULTS. 215 

Thus ended one of the most gallant exploits in 
French-Canadian annals. As respects the losses 
on each side, the French and English accounts 
are irreconcilable ; nor are the statements of either 
party consistent with themselves. Mascarene re- 
ports to Shirley that seventy English were killed, 
and above sixty captured ; though he afterwards 
reduces these numbers, having, as he says, received 
farther information. On the French side he says 
that four officers and about forty men were killed, 
and that many wounded were carried off in carts 
during the fight. Beaujeu, on the other hand, sets 
the English loss at one hundred and thirty killed, 
fifteen wounded, and fifty captured ; and the French 
loss at seven killed and fifteen wounded. As for 
the numbers engaged, the statements are scarcely 
less divergent. It seems clear, however, that when 
Coulon began his march from Baye Verte, his party 
consisted of about three hundred Canadians and 
Indians, without reckoning some Acadians who 
had joined him from Beaubassin and Isle St. Jean. 
Others joined him on the way to Grand Pre, 
counting a hundred and fifty according to Shir- 
ley, which appears to be much too large an 
estimate. The English, by their own showing, 
numbered five hundred, or five hundred and 
twenty-five. Of eleven houses attacked, ten 
were surprised and carried, with the help of the 
darkness and storm and the skilful management 
of the assailants. 

" No sooner was the capitulation signed," says 
Beaujeu, u than we became in appearance the best 


of friends." La Come directed military honors to 
be rendered to the remains of the brothers Noble ; 
and in all points the Canadians, both officers and 
men, treated the English with kindness and cour- 
tesy. " The English commandant," again says 
Beaujeu, " invited us all to dine with him and his 
officers, so that we might have the pleasure of 
making acquaintance over a bowl of punch." 
The repast being served after such a fashion 
as circumstances permitted, victors and van- 
quished sat down together; when, says Beaujeu, 
" we received on the part of our hosts many 
compliments on our polite manners and our skill 
in making war." And the compliments were 
well deserved. 

At eight o'clock on the morning of the 14th of 
February the English filed out of the stone house, 
and with arms shouldered, drums beating, and 
colors flying, marched between two ranks of the 
French, and took the road for Annapolis. The 
English sick and wounded were sent to the settle- 
ment of Riviere-aux-Canards, where, protected by 
a French guard and attended by an English sur- 
geon, they were to remain till able to reach the 
British fort. 

La Corne called a council of war, and in view 
of the scarcity of food and other reasons it was 
resolved to return to Beaubassin. Many of the 
French had fallen ill. Some of the sick and 
wounded were left at Grand Pre*, others at Cobe- 
quid, and the Acadians were required to supply 
means of carrying the rest. Coulon's party left 


Grand Pre* on the 23d of February, and on the 
8th of March reached Beaubassin. 1 

Ramesay did not fail to use the success at Grand 
Pre* to influence the minds of the Acadians. He 
sent a circular letter to the inhabitants of the vari- 
ous districts, and especially to those of Mines, in 
which he told them that their country had been 
reconquered by the arms of the King of France, to 
whom he commanded them to be faithful subjects, 
holding no intercourse with the English under any 
pretence whatever, on pain of the severest punish- 
ment. " If," he concludes, " we have withdrawn 
our soldiers from among you, it is for reasons 
known to us alone, and with a view to your 
advantage." 2 

Unfortunately for the effect of this message, 

1 The dates are of the new style, which the French had adopted, while 
the English still clung to the old style. 

By far the best account of this French victory at Mines is that of 
Beaujeu, in his Journal de la Campagne du Detachement de Canada a 
I'Aradie et aux Mines en 1746-47. It is preserved in the Archives de la 
Marine et des Colonies, and is printed in the documentary supplement of 
Le Canada Fran$ais t Vol. II. It supplies the means of correcting many 
errors and much confusion in some recent accounts of the affair. The 
report of Chevalier de la Corne, also printed in Le Canada Francois, 
though much shorter, is necessary to a clear understanding of the matter. 
Letters of Lusignau fils to the minister Maurepas, 10 Oct. 1747, of Bishop 
Pontbriand (to Maurepas ?), 10 July, 1747, and of Lusignan pere to Maure- 
pas, 10 Oct. 1747, give some additional incidents. The principal docu- 
ment on the English side is the report of Captain Benjamin Goldthwait, 
who succeeded Noble in command. A copy of the original, in the Public 
Record Office, is before me. The substance of it is correctly given in The 
Boston Post Bo;/ of 2 March, 1747, and in N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., X. 108. 
Various letters from Mascarene and Shirley (Public Record Office) con- 
tain accounts derived from returned officers and soldiers. The Notice of 
Colonel Arthur Noble, by William Goold (Collections Maine Historical 
Soc., 1881), may also be consulted. 

2 Ramesay aux Deputes et Habitants des Mines, 31 Mars, 1747. At the 
end is written " A true copy, with the misspellings : signed W. Shirley." 


Shirley had no sooner heard of the disaster at 
Grand Pre than he sent a body of Massachusetts 
soldiers to reoccupy the place. 1 This they did in 
April. The Acadians thus found themselves, as 
usual, between two dangers ; and unable to see 
which horn of the dilemma was the worse, they 
tried to avoid both by conciliating French and 
English alike, and assuring each of their devoted 
attachment. They sent a pathetic letter to Ra- 
mesay, telling him that their hearts were always 
French, and begging him at the same time to 
remember that they were a poor, helpless people, 
burdened with large families, and in danger of ex- 
pulsion and ruin if they offended their masters, the 
English. 2 They wrote at the same time to Mas- 
carene at Annapolis, sending him, to explain the 
situation, a copy of Ramesay's threatening let- 
ter to them ; 3 begging him to consider that they 
could not without danger dispense with answering 
it ; at the same time they protested their entire 
fidelity to King George. 4 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 24 Aug. 1747. 

2 " Ainsia Monsieur nous vous prions de regarder notre bon Coeur et en 
meme Temps notre Impuissance pauvre Peuple chargez la plus part de 
families nombreuse point de Recours sil falois evacuer a quoy nous sommes 
menacez tous les jours qui nous tien dans une Crainte perpetuelle en nous 
voyant a la proximitet de nos maitre depuis un sy grand nombre dannes" 
(printed literatim). Deputes des Mines a Ramesay, 24 Mai, 1747. 

8 This probably explains the bad spelling of the letter, the copy before 
me having been made from the Acadian transcript sent to Mascarene, and 
now in the Public Record Office. 

* Les Habitants a I'honorable gouverneur au for d'anapolisse roi/al [sic], 
Mai (?), 1747. 

On the 27th of June the inhabitants of Cobequid wrote again to Mas- 
carene: " Monsieur nous prenons la Liberte de vous recrirecelle icy pour 
vous assurer de nos tres humble Respect et d'un entiere Sou-mission a voa 
Ordres " (literatim). 


Ramesay, not satisfied with the results of his 
first letter, wrote again to the Acadians, ordering 
them, in the name of the Governor-General of New 
France, to take up arms against the English, and 
enclosing for their instruction an extract from a 
letter of the French Governor. " These," says 
Ramesay, " are his words : ' We consider ourself 
as master of Beaubassin and Mines, since we have 
driven off the English. Therefore there is no diffi- 
culty in forcing the Acadians to take arms for us ; ' 
to which end we declare to them that they are dis- 
charged from the oath that they formerly took to 
the English, by which they are bound no longer, 
as has been decided by the authorities of Canada 
and Monseigneur our Bishop.' " * 

" In view of the above," continues Ramesay, 
" we order all the inhabitants of Memeramcook to 
come to this place [Beaubassin] as soon as they 
see the signal-fires lighted, or discover the ap- 
proach of the enemy ; and this on pain of death, 
confiscation of all their goods, burning of their 
houses, and the punishment due to rebels against 
the King." 2 

1 "Nous nous regardons aujourdhuy Maistre de Beaubassin et des 
Mines puisque nous en avons Chasse les Anglois; ainsi il ny a aucuue 
difficulte de forcer les Accadieiis a prendre les armes pour nous, et de 
les y Contraindre ; leur declarons a cet effet qu'ils sont decharge [sic] 
du Serment prete', cy devant, a 1'Anglois, auquel ils ne sont plus oblige' 
[sic] com me il y a e'te decide par nos puissances de Canada et de Monsei- 
gneur notre Evesque " (literatim). 

2 Ramesay aux Habitants de Chignecto, etc., 25 Mai, 1747. 

A few months later, the deputies of Riviere-aux-Canards wrote to 
Shirley, thanking him for kindness which they said was undeserved, 
promising to do their duty thenceforth, but begging him to excuse them 
from giving up persons who had acted " contraire aux Interests de leur 



The position of the Acadians was deplorable. 
By the Treaty of Utrecht, France had transferred 
them to the British Crown ; yet French officers 
denounced them as rebels and threatened them 
with death if they did not fight at their bidding 
against England ; and English officers threatened 
them with expulsion from the country if they 
broke their oath of allegiance to King George. 
It was the duty of the British ministry to occupy 
the province with a force sufficient to protect the 
inhabitants against French terrorism, and leave 
no doubt that the King of England was master of 
Acadia in fact as well as in name. This alone 
could have averted the danger of Acadian revolt, 
and the harsh measures to which it afterwards 
gave rise. The ministry sent no aid, but left to 
Shirley and Massachusetts the task of keeping the 
province for King George. Shirley and Massa- 
chusetts did what they could ; but they could not 
do all that the emergency demanded. 

Shirley courageously spoke his mind to the min- 
istry, on whose favor he was dependent. " The 
fluctuating state of the inhabitants of Acadia," he 
wrote to Newcastle, " seems, my lord, naturally to 
arise from their finding a want of due protection 
from his Majesty's Government." l 

devoire," representing the difficulty of their position, and protesting 
" une Soumission parfaite et en touts Respects." The letter is signed by 
four deputies, of whom one writes his name, and three sign with crosses. 

1 Shirley to Newcastle, 29 April, 1747. 

On Shirley's relations with the Acadians, see Appendix C. 





FROM the East we turn to the Westy for the prov- 
ince of New York passed for the West at that day. 
\Here a vital question was what would be the atti- 
tude of the Five Nations of the Iroquois towards 
th^Tnyal European colonies, their neighbors. The 
Treaty of Utrecht called them British subjects. 
What the word " subjects " meant, they them- 
selves hardly knew. The English told them that 
it meant children ; the French that it meant dogs 
and slaves. Events had tamed the fierce confeder- 
ates ; and now, though, like all savages, unstable 
as children, they leaned in their soberer moments 
to a position of neutrality between their European 
neighbors, watching with jealous eyes against the 
encroachments of both. The French would gladly 
have enlisted them and their tomahawks in the 
war ; but seeing little hope of this, were generally 
content if they could prevent them from siding 
with the English, who on their part regarded 

222 WAR AND POLITICS. [1740-1747. 

them as their Indians, and were satisfied with 
nothing less than active alliance. 

When Shirley's plan for the invasion of Canada 
was afoot, Clinton, governor of New York, with 
much ado succeeded in convening the deputies 
of the confederacy at Albany, and by dint of 
speeches and presents induced them to sing the 
war-song and take up the hatchet for England. 
The Iroquois were disgusted when the scheme 
came to nought, their warlike ardor cooled, and 
they conceived a low opinion of English prowess. 

The condition of New York as respects mili- 
tary efficiency was deplorable. She was divided 
against herself, and, as usual in such cases, party 
passion was stronger than the demands of war. 
The province was in the midst of one of those 
disputes with the representative of the Crown, 
which, in one degree or another, crippled or 
paralyzed the military activity of nearly all the 
British colonies. Twenty years or more earlier, 
when Massachusetts was at blows with the In- 
dians on her borders, she suffered from the same 
disorders ; but her Governor and Assembly were 
of one mind as to urging on the war, and quar- 
relled only on the questions in what way and 
under what command it should be waged. But in 
New York there was a strong party that opposed 
the war. bring interested in the contraband trade 
long carried on with Canada. Clinton, the gov- 
ernor, had, too, an enemy in the person of the 
Chief Justice, James de Lancey, with whom he 
had had an after-dinner dispute, ending in a threat 

1745-1747.] CLINTON'S DIFFICULTIES. 223 

on the part of De Lancey that he would make the 
Governor's seat uncomfortable. To marked abili- 
ties, better education, and more knowledge of the 
world than was often found in the provinces, ready 
wit, and conspicuous social position, the Chief 
Justice joined a restless ambition and the arts 
of a demagogue. 

He made good his threat, headed the opposition 
to the Governor, and proved his most formidable 
antagonist. If either Clinton or Shirley had had 
the independent authority of a Canadian governor, 
the conduct of the war would have been widely 
different. Clinton was hampered at every turn. 
The Assembly held him at advantage ; for it was 
they, and not the King, who paid his salary, and 
they could withhold or retrench it when he dis- 
pleased them. The people sympathized with their 
representatives and backed them in opposition, 
at least when not under the stress of imminent 

A body of provincials, in the pay of the 
King, had been mustered at Albany for the pro- 
posed Canada expedition ; and after that plan 
was abandoned, Clinton wished to use them for 
protecting the northern frontier and capturing 
that standing menace to the province, Crown 
Point. The Assembly, bent on crossing him at 
any price, refused to provide for transporting sup- 
plies farther than Albany. As the furnishing of 
provisions and transportation depended on that 
body, they could stop the movement of troops and 
defeat the Governor's military plans at their pleas- 

224 WAR AND POLITICS. [1745-1747. 

ure. In vain he told them, " If you deny me the 
necessary supplies, all my endeavors must become 
fruitless ; I must wash my own hands, and leave 
at your doors the blood of the innocent people." l 

He urged upon them the necessity of building 
forts on the two carrying-places between the Hud- 
son and Lakes .George and Champlain, thus block- 
ing the path of war-parties from Canada. They 
would do nothing, insisting that the neighboring 
colonies, to whom the forts would also be useful, 
ought to help in building them ; and when it was 
found that these colonies were ready to do their 
part, the Assembly still refused. Passionate oppo- 
sition to the royal Governor seemed to blind 
them to the interests of the province. Nor was 
the fault all on their side ; for the Governor, 
though he generally showed more self-control and 
moderation than could have been expected, some- 
times lost temper and betrayed scorn for his oppo- 
nents, many of whom were but the instruments of 
leaders urged by personal animosities and small 
but intense ambitions. They accused him of treat- 
ing them with contempt, and of embezzling public 
money ; while he retorted by charging them with 
encroaching on the royal prerogative and treating 
the representative of the King with indecency. 
Under such conditions an efficient conduct of the 
war was out of the question. 

Once, when the frontier was seriously threat- 
ened, Clinton, as commander-in-chief, called out 

1 Extract from the Governor's Message, in Smith, History of New York, 
II. 124 (1830). 

1745-1747.] SARATOGA. 225 

the militia to defend it ; but they refused to obey, 
on the ground that no Act of the Assembly re- 
quired them to do so. 1 

Clinton sent home bitter complaints to Newcastle 
and the Lords of Trade. " They [the Assembly] 
are selfish, jealous of the power of the Crown, and 
of such levelling principles that they are con- 
stantly attacking its prerogative. ... I find that 
neither dissolutions nor fair means can produce 
from them such Effects as will tend to a publick 
good or their own preservation. They will neither 
act for themselves nor assist their neighbors. . . . 
Few but hirelings have a seat in the Assembly, 
who protract time for the sake of their wages, at 
a great expence to the Province, without contribu- 
ting anything material for its welfare, credit, or 
safety." And he declares that unless Parliament 
takes them in hand he can do nothing for the ser- 
vice of the King or the good of the province, 2 for 
they want to usurp the whole administration, both 
civil and military. 3 

At Saratoga there was a small settlement of 
Dutch farmers, with a stockade fort for their pro- 
tection. This was the farthest outpost of the 
colony, and the only defence of Albany in the 
direction of Canada. It was occupied by a ser- 
geant, a corporal, and ten soldiers, who testified 

1 Clinton to the Lords of Trade, 10 Nov. 1747. 

2 Clinton to the Lords of Trade, 30 Nov. 1 745. 

8 Ef marks on the Representation of the Assembly of New York, May, 
1747, in N. Y. Col. Docs., VI. 365. On the disputes of the Governor and 
Assembly, see also Smith, History of New York, II. (1830), and Stone, 
Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, I. N. Y. Colonial Documents, VI.,. 
contains many papers on the subject, chiefly on the Governor's side. 

VOL. II. 15 

226 WAE AND POLITICS. [1745-1747. 

before a court of inquiry that it was in such condi- 
tion that in rainy weather neither they nor their 
ammunition could be kept dry. As neither the 
Assembly nor the merchants of Albany would 
make it tenable, the garrison was withdrawn 
before winter by order of the Governor. 1 

Scarcely was this done when five hundred 
French and Indians, under the partisan Marin, 
surprised the settlement in the night of the 
28th of November, burned fort, houses, mills, 
and stables, killed thirty persons, and carried off 
about a hundred prisoners. 2 Albany was left 
uncovered, and the Assembly voted 150 in pro- 
vincial currency to rebuild the ruined fort. A 
feeble palisade work was accordingly set up, but 
it was neglected like its predecessor. Colonel 
Peter Schuyler was stationed there with his regi- 
ment in 1747, but was forced to abandon his 
post for want of supplies. Clinton then directed 
Colonel Roberts, commanding at Albany, to ex- 
amine the fort, and if he found it indefensible, 
to burn it, which he did, much to the astonish- 
ment of a French war-party, who visited the 
place soon after, and found nothing but ashes. 3 

The burning of Saratoga, first by the French 

1 Examinations at a Court of Inquiry at Albany, 11 Dec. 1745, in N. Y. 
Col. Docs., VI. 374. 

2 The best account of this affair is in the journal of a French officer 
in Schuyler, Colonial New York, II. 115. The dates, being in new style, 
differ by eleven days from those of the English accounts. The Dutch 
hamlet of Saratoga, surprised by Marin, was near the mouth of the Fish 
Kill, on the west side of the Hudson. There was also a small fort on the 
east side, a little below the mouth of the Batten Kill. 

8 Schuyler, Colonial New York, II. 121. 

1745-1747.] WILLIAM JOHNSON. 227 

and then by its own masters, made a deep im- 
pression on the Five Nations, and a few years 
later they taunted their white neighbors with 
these shortcomings in no measured terms. " You 
burned your own fort at Seraghtoga and ran away 
from it, which was a shame and a scandal to you." l 
Uninitiated as they were in party politics and fac- 
tion quarrels, they could see nothing in this and 
other military lapses but proof of a want of mar- 
tial spirit, if not of cowardice. Hence the difficulty 
of gaining their active alliance against the French 
was redoubled. Fortunately for the province, the 
adverse influence was in some measure counter- 
acted by the character and conduct of one man. 
Up to this time the French had far surpassed the 
rival nation in the possession of men ready and 
able to deal with the Indians and mould them to 
their will. Eminent among such was Joncaire, 
French emissary among the Senecas in western 
New York, who, with admirable skill, held back 
that powerful member of the Iroquois league from 
siding with the English. But now, among the 
Mohawks of eastern New York, Joncaire found 
his match in the person of William Johnson, a 
vigorous and intelligent young Irishman, nephew 
of Admiral Warren, and his agent in the manage- 
ment of his estates on the Mohawk. Johnson 
soon became intimate with his Indian neighbors, 
spoke their language, joined in their games and 
dances, sometimes borrowed their dress and their 
paint, and whooped, yelped, and stamped like one 

1 Report of a Council with the Indians at Albany, 28 June, 1754. 

WAK AND POLITICS. [1 746-1 748. 

of themselves. A white man thus playing the In- 
dian usually gains nothing in the esteem of those 
he imitates ; but, as before in the case of the 
redoubtable Count Frontenac, Johnson's adoption 
of their ways increased their liking for him and 
did not diminish their respect. The Mohawks 
adopted him into their tribe and made him a war- 
chief. Clinton saw his value ; and as the Albany 
commissioners hitherto charged with Indian affairs 
had proved wholly inefficient, he transferred their 
functions to Johnson ; whence arose more heart- 
burnings. The favor of the Governor cost the 
new functionary the support of the Assembly, 
who refused the indispensable presents to the In- 
dians, and thus vastly increased the difficulty of 
his task. Yet the Five Nations promised to take 
up the hatchet against the French, and their ora- 
tor said, in a conference at Albany, " Should any 
French priests now dare to come among us, we 
know no use for them but to roasb them." l John- 
son's present difficulties, however, sprang more 
from Dutch and English traders than from French 
priests, and he begs that an Act may be passed 
against the selling of liquor to the Indians, " as 
it is impossible to do anything with them while 
there is such a plenty to be had all round the 
neighborhood, being forever drunk." And he com- 
plains especially of one Clement r who sells liquor 
within twenty yards of Johnson's house, and im- 
mediately gets from the Indians all the bounty 

1 Answer of the Six [Five] Nations to His Excellency the Governor at 
Albany, 23 Aug. 1746. 

1746-1748.] USELESS BARBARITIES. 229 

money they receive for scalps, " which leaves them 
as poor as ratts," and therefore refractory and un- 
manageable. Johnson says further : " There is 
another grand villain, George Clock, who lives by 
Conajoharie Castle, and robs the Indians of all 
their cloaths, etc." The chiefs complained, " upon 
which I wrote him twice to give over that custom 
of selling liquor to the Indians ; the answer was 
he gave the bearer, I might hang myself." l In- 
dian affairs, it will be seen, were no better regu- 
lated then than now. 

Meanwhile the French Indians were ravaging 
the frontiers and burning farm-houses to within 
sight of Albany. The Assembly offered rewards 
for the scalps of the marauders, but were slow in 
sending money to pay them, to the great discon- 
tent of the Mohawks, who, however, at Johnson's 
instigation, sent out various war-parties, two of 
which, accompanied by a few whites, made raids 
as far as the island of Montreal, and somewhat 
checked the incursions of the mission Indians by 
giving them work near home. The check was but 
momentary. Heathen Indians from the West 
joined the Canadian converts, and the frontiers of 
New York and New England, from the Mohawk 
to beyond the Kennebec, were stung through all 
their length by innumerable nocturnal surprises 
and petty attacks. The details of this murderous 
though ineffective partisan war would fill volumes, 
if they were worth recording. One or two exam- 
ples will show the nature of all. 

1 Johnson to Clinton, 7 May, 1747. 

230 WAR AND POLITICS. [1746. 

In the valley of the little river Ashuelot, a New 
Hampshire affluent of the Connecticut, was a rude 
border-settlement which later years transformed 
into a town noted in rural New England for kind- 
ly hospitality, culture without pretence, and good- 
breeding without conventionality. 1 In 1746 the 
place was in all the rawness and ugliness of a 
backwoods hamlet. The rough fields, lately won 
from the virgin forest, showed here and there, 
among the stumps, a few log-cabins, roofed with 
slabs of pine, spruce, or hemlock. Near by was a 
wooden fort, made, no doubt, after the common 
frontier pattern, of a stockade fence ten or twelve 
feet high, enclosing cabins to shelter the settlers 
in case of alarm, and furnished at the corners with 
what were called flankers, which were boxes of 
thick plank large enough to hold two or more 
men, raised above the ground on posts, and pierced 
with loopholes, so that each .face of the stockade 
could be swept by a flank fire. One corner of this 
fort at Ashuelot was, however, guarded by a 
solid blockhouse, or, as it was commonly called, 
a " mount." 

On the 23d of April a band of sixty, or, by 
another account, a hundred Indians, approached 
the settlement before daybreak, and hid in the 
neighboring thickets to cut off the men in the 
fort as they came out to their morning work. 
One of the men, Ephraim Dorman, chanced to 

1 Keene, originally called Upper Ashnelot. On the same stream, a 
few miles below, was a similar settlement, called Lower Ashuelot, the 
germ of the present Swanzey. This, too, suffered greatly from Indian 


go out earlier than the rest. The Indians did 
not fire on him, but, not to give an alarm, tried 
to capture or kill him without noise. Several of 
them suddenly showed themselves, on which he 
threw down his gun in pretended submission. 
One of them came up to him with hatchet raised ; 
but the nimble and sturdy borderer suddenly struck 
him with his fist a blow in the head that knocked 
him flat, then snatched up his own gun, and, as 
some say, the blanket of the half-stunned savage 
also, sprang off, reached the fort unhurt, and gave 
the alarm. Some of the families of the place were 
living in the fort ; but the bolder or more careless 
still remained in their farm-houses, and if nothing 
were done for their relief, their fate was sealed. 
Therefore the men sallied in a body, and a sharp 
fight ensued, giving the frightened settlers time to 
take refuge within the stockade. It was not too 
soon, for the work of havoc had already begun. 
Six houses and a barn were on fire, and twenty- 
three cattle had been killed. The Indians fought 
fiercely, killed John Bullard and captured Nathan 
Blake, but at last retreated ; and after they were 
gone, the charred remains of several of them were 
found among the ruins of one of the burned cabins, 
where they had probably been thrown to prevent 
their being scalped. 

Before Dorman had given the alarm, an old 
woman, Mrs. McKenney, went from the fort to 
milk her cow in a neighboring barn. As she was 
returning, with her full milk-pail, a naked Indian 
was seen to spring from a clump of bushes, plunge 

232 WAR AND POLITICS. 11746. 

a long knife into her back, and dart away without 
stopping to take the gray scalp of his victim. She 
tried feebly to reach the fort ; but from age, cor- 
pulence, and a mortal wound she moved but 
slowly, and when a few steps from the gate, fell 
and died. 

Ten days after, a party of Indians hid them- 
selves at night by this same fort, and sent one of 
their number to gain admission under pretence of 
friendship, intending, no doubt, to rush in when 
the gate should be opened ; but the man on guard 
detected the trick, and instead of opening the 
gate, fired through it, mortally wounding the In- 
dian, on which his confederates made off. Again, 
at the same place, Deacon Josiah Foster, who had 
taken refuge in the fort, ventured out on a July 
morning to drive his cows to pasture. A gun- 
shot was heard ; and the men who went out to 
learn the cause, found the Deacon lying in the 
wood-road, dead and scalped. An ambushed In- 
dian had killed him and vanished. Such petty 
attacks were without number. 

There is a French paper, called a record of 
" military movements," which gives a list of war- 
parties sent from Montreal against the English 
border between the 29th of March, 1746, and the 
21st of June in the same year. They number 
thirty-five distinct bands, nearly all composed of 
mission Indians living in or near the settled parts 
of Canada, Abenakis, Iroquois of the Lake of Two 
Mountains and of Sault St. Louis (Caughnawaga), 
Algonkins of the Ottawa, and others, in parties 


rarely of more than thirty, and often of no more 
than six, yet enough for waylaying travellers or 
killing women in kitchens or cow-sheds, and soli- 
tary laborers in the fields. This record is accom- 
panied by a list of wild Western Indians who 
came down to Montreal in the summer of 1746 
to share in these " military movements." l 

No part of the country suffered more than the 
western borders of Massachusetts and New Hamp- 
shire, and here were seen too plainly the evils of 
the prevailing want of concert among the British 
colonies. Massachusetts claimed extensive tracts 
north of her present northern boundary, and in 
the belief that her claim would hold good, had 
built a small wooden fort, called Fort Dummer, on 
the Connecticut, for the protection of settlers. 
New Hampshire disputed the title, and the ques- 
tion, being referred to the Crown, was decided in 
her favor. On this, Massachusetts withdrew the 
garrison of Fort Dummer and left New Hamp- 
shire to defend her own. This the Assembly of 
that province refused to do, on the ground that 
the fort was fifty miles from any settlement made 
by New Hampshire people, and was therefore use- 
less to them, though of great value to Massachu- 
setts as a cover to Northfield and other of her 
settlements lower down the Connecticut, to pro- 
tect 2 which was no business of New Hampshire. 

1 Extrait sur Its dijfe'rents Mouvements Militaires qui se sont fails a 
Montreal a I' occasion de la Guerre, 1745, 1746. There is a translation iu 
N. Y. Col. Docs. 

2 Journal of the Assembly of New Hampshire, quoted in Sannderson, 
History of Charlestown, N. H., 20. 

234 WAR AND POLITICS. [1740-1746. 

But some years before, in 1740, three brothers, 
Samuel, David, and Stephen Farnsworth, natives 
of Groton, Massachusetts, had begun a new settle- 
ment on the Connecticut about forty-five miles 
north of the Massachusetts line and on ground 
which was soon to be assigned to New Hampshire. 
They were followed by five or six others. They 
acted on the belief that their settlement was within 
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and that she 
could and would protect them. The place was 
one of extreme exposure, not only from its isola- 
tion, far from help, but because it was on the 
banks of a wild and lonely river, the customary 
highway of war-parties on their descent from Can- 
ada. Number Four for so the new settlement 
was called, because it was the fourth in a range of 
townships recently marked out along the Connec- 
ticut, but, with one or two exceptions, wholly 
unoccupied as yet was a rude little outpost of 
civilization, buried in forests that spread unbroken 
to the banks of the St. Lawrence, while its nearest 
English neighbor was nearly thirty miles away. 
As may be supposed, it grew slowly, and in 1744 
it had but nine or ten families. In the preceding 
year, when war seemed imminent, and it was clear 
that neither Massachusetts nor New Hampshire 
would lend a helping hand, the settlers of Number 
Four, seeing that their only resource was in them- 
selves, called a meeting to consider the situation 
and determine what should be done. The meet- 
ing was held at the house, or log-cabin, of John 
Spafford, Jr., and being duly called to order, the 

1743.] FORT AT NUMBER FOUR. 235 

following resolutions were adopted : that a fort be 
built at the charge of the proprietors of the said 
township of Number Four ; that John Hastings, 
John Spafford, and John Avery be a committee to 
direct the building ; that each carpenter be allowed 
nine shillings, old tenor, a day, each laborer seven 
shillings, and each pair of oxen three shillings and 
sixpence ; that the proprietors of the township be 
taxed in the sum of three hundred pounds, old 
tenor, for building the fort : that John Spafford, 
Phineas Stevens, and John Hastings be assessors 
to assess the same, and Samuel Farnsworth col- 
lector to collect it. 1 And to the end that their 
fort should be a good and creditable one, they are 
said to have engaged the services of John Stod- 
dard, accounted the foremost man' of western 
Massachusetts, Superintendent of Defence, Colonel 
of Militia, Judge of Probate, Chief Justice of the 
Court of Common Pleas, a reputed authority in 
the construction of backwoods fortifications, and 
the admired owner of the only gold watch in 

Timber was abundant and could be had for the 
asking ; for the frontiersman usually regarded a 
tree less as a valuable possession than as a natural 
enemy, to be got rid of by fair means or foul. The 
only cost was the labor. The fort rose rapidly. It 
was a square enclosing about three quarters of an 
acre, each side measuring a hundred and eighty 
feet. The wall was not of palisades, as was more 

1 Extracts from the Town Record, in Saunderson, History of Charle 
town, N. H. (Number Four), 17, 18. 

236 WAR AND POLITICS. [1743-1746. 

usual, but of squared logs laid one upon another, 
and interlocked at the corners after the fashion of 
a log-cabin. Within were several houses, which 
had been built close together, for mutual protec- 
tion, before the fort was begun, and which be- 
longed to Stevens, Spafford, and other settlers. 
Apparently they were small log-cabins ; for they 
were valued at only from eight to thirty-five 
pounds each, in old tenor currency wofully atten- 
uated by depreciation ; and these sums being paid 
to the owners out of the three hundred pounds 
collected for building the fort, the cabins became 
public property. Either they were built in a 
straight line, or they were moved to form one, for 
when the fort was finished, they all backed against 
the outer wall, so that their low roofs served to fire 
from. The usual flankers completed the work, 
and the settlers of Number Four were so well 
pleased with it that they proudly declared their 
fort a better one than Fort Dummer, its nearest 
neighbor, which had been built by public author- 
ity at the charge of the province. 

But a fort must have a garrison, and the ten or 
twelve men of Number Four would hardly be a 
sufficient one. Sooner or later an attack was cer- 
tain ; for the place was a backwoods Castle Dan- 
gerous, lying in the path of war-parties from 
Canada, whether coming down the Connecticut 
from Lake Memphremagog, or up Otter Creek 
from Lake Champlain, then over the mountains to 
Black River, and so down that stream, which 
would bring them directly to Number Four. New 


Hampshire would do nothing for them, and their 
only hope was in Massachusetts, of which most of 
them were natives, and which had good reasons 
for helping them to hold their ground, as a cover 
to its own settlements below. The Governor and 
Assembly of Massachusetts did, in fact, send small 
parties of armed men from time to time to defend 
the endangered outpost, and the succor was time- 
ly ; for though, during the first year of the war, 
Number Four was left in peace, yet from the 19th 
of April to the 19th of June, 1746, it was attacked 
by Indians five times, with some loss of scalps, 
and more of cattle, horses, and hogs. On the last 
occasion there was a hot fight in the woods, end- 
ing in the retreat of the Indians, said to have 
numbered a hundred and fifty, into a swamp, 
leaving behind them guns, blankets, hatchets, 
spears, and other things, valued at forty pounds, 
old tenor, which, says the chronicle, " was reck- 
oned a great booty for such beggarly enemies." l 

But Massachusetts grew tired of defending lands 
that had been adjudged to New Hampshire, and 
as the season drew towards an end, Number Four 
was left again to its own keeping. The settlers 
saw no choice but to abandon a place which they 
were too few to defend, and accordingly withdrew 
to the older settlements, after burying such of their 
effects as would bear it, and leaving others to their 
fate. Six men, a dog, and a cat remained to keep 
the fort. Towards midwinter the human part of 

1 Saunderson, History of Chm-leslou-n, N. H., 29 Doolittle, Narrative 
of Mischief done by the Indian Enemy, a contemporary chronicle. 

238 WAE AND POLITICS. [1747. 

the garrison also withdrew, and the two uncon- 
genial quadrupeds were left alone. 

When the authorities of Massachusetts saw that 
a place so useful to bear the brunt of attack was 
left to certain destruction, they repented of their 
late withdrawal, and sent Captain Phineas Stevens, 
with thirty men, to re-occupy it. Stevens, a native 
of Sudbury, Massachusetts, one of the earliest set- 
tlers of Number Four, and one of its chief propri- 
etors, was a bold, intelligent, and determined man, 
well fitted for the work before him. He and his 
band reached the fort on the 27th of March, 1747, 
and their arrival gave peculiar pleasure to its ten- 
ants, the dog and cat, the former of whom met them 
with lively demonstrations of joy. The pair had 
apparently lived in harmony, and found means of 
subsistence, as they are reported to have been in 
tolerable condition. 

Stevens had brought with him a number of other 
dogs, animals found useful for detecting the pres- 
ence of Indians and tracking them to their lurking- 
places. A week or more after the arrival of the 
party, these canine allies showed great uneasiness 
and barked without ceasing ; on which Stevens or- 
dered a strict watch to be kept, and great precau- 
tion to be used in opening the gate of the fort. It 
was time, for the surrounding forest concealed what 
the New England chroniclers call an " army," com- 
manded by General Debeline. It scarcely need 
be said that Canada had no General Debeline, and 
that no such name is to be found in Canadian 
annals. The " army " was a large war-party of 

1747.] A GREAT WAR -PARTY. 239 

both French and Indians, and a French record 
shows that its commander was Boucher de Niver- 
ville, ensign in the colony troops. 1 

The behavior of the dogs was as yet the only 
sign of danger, when, about nine o'clock on the 
morning of the 7th of April, one of Stevens's men 
took it upon him to go out and find what was 
amiss. Accompanied by two or three of the dogs, 
he advanced, gun in hand, into the clearing, peer- 
ing at every stump, lest an Indian should lurk be- 
hind it. When about twenty rods from the gate, 
he saw a large log, or trunk of a fallen tree, not 
far before him, and approached it cautiously, set- 
ting on the dogs, or, as Stevens whimsically phrases 
it, " saying Choboy ! " to them. They ran forward 
barking, on which several heads appeared above 
the log, and several guns were fired at him. He 
was slightly wounded, but escaped to the fort. 
Then, all around, the air rang with war-whoops, 
and a storm of bullets flew from the tangle 
of bushes that edged the clearing, and rapped 
spitefully, but harmlessly, against the wooden wall. 
At a little distance on the windward side was a 
log-house, to which, with adjacent fences, the as- 
sailants presently set fire, in the hope that, as the 
wind was strong, the flames would catch the fort. 
When Stevens saw what they were doing, he set 
himself to thwart them ; and while some of his 
men kept them at bay with their guns, the rest 
fell to work digging a number of short trenches 

1 Extrait en forme de Journal de ce qui s'est passe' d'inte'ressant dans la 
Colonie d I'occasion des Afouvements de Guerre, etc., 1746, 1747. 

240 WAR AND POLITICS. [1747. 

under the wall, on the side towards the fire. As 
each trench was six or seven feet deep, a man 
could stand in it outside the wall, sheltered from 
bullets, and dash buckets of water, passed to him 
from within, against the scorching timbers. Eleven 
such trenches were dug, and eleven men were sta- 
tioned in them, so that the whole exposed front of 
the wall was kept wet. 1 Thus, though 'clouds of 
smoke drifted over the fort, and burning cinders 
showered upon it, no harm was done, and the 
enemy was forced to other devices. They found 
a wagon, which they protected from water and 
bullets by a shield of planks, for there was a 
saw-mill hard by, and loaded it with dry fag- 
ots, thinking to set them on fire and push the 
blazing machine against a dry part of the fort 
wall ; but the task proved too dangerous, " for," 
says Stevens, " instead of performing what they 
threatened and seemed to be immediately going to 
undertake, they called to us and desired a cessa- 
tion of arms till sunrise the next morning, which 
was granted, at which time they said they would 
come to a parley." In fact, the French com- 
mander, with about sixty of his men, came in the 
morning with a flag of truce, which he stuck in 
the ground at a musket-shot from the fort, and, 

1 " Those who were not employed in firing at the enemy were employed 
in digging trenches under the bottom of the fort. We dug no less than 
eleven of them, so deep that a man could go and stand upright on the 
outside and not endanger himself ; so that when these trenches were 
finished, we could wet all the outside of the fort, which we did, and kept 
it wet all night. We drew some hundreds of harrels of water; and to 
undergo all this hard service there were but thirty men." Stevens to 
Colonel W. Williams, April, 1747. 


in the words of Stevens, " said, if we would send 
three men to him, he would send as many to us." 
Stevens agreed to this, on which two Frenchmen 
and an Indian came to the fort, and three sol- 
diers went out in return. The two Frenchmen 
demanded, on the part of their commander, that 
the garrison should surrender, under a promise 
of life, and be carried prisoners to Quebec ; and 
they farther required that Stevens should give his 
answer to the French officer in person. 

Wisely or unwisely, Stevens went out at the gate, 
and was at once joined by Niverville, attended, no 
doubt, by an interpreter. "Upon meeting the 
Monsieur," says the English captain, " he did not 
wait for me to give him an answer," but said, in a 
manner sufficiently peremptory, that he had seven 
hundred men with him, and that if his terms were 
refused, he would storm the fort, " run over it," 
burn it to the ground, and if resistance were of- 
fered, put all in it to the sword ; adding that he 
would have it or die, and that Stevens might fight 
or not as he pleased, for it was all one to him. 
His terms being refused, he said, as Stevens re- 
ports, " Well, go back to your fort and see if 
your men dare fight any more, and give me an 
answer quickly ; for my men want to be fight- 
ing." Stevens now acted as if he had been the 
moderator of a town-meeting. " I went into the 
fort and called the men together, and informed 
them what the General said, and then put it to 
vote whether they would fight or resign ; and 
they voted to a man to stand it out, and also 

VOL. II. 16 

242 WAR AND POLITICS. p747. 

declared that they would fight as long as they 
had life." 1 

Answer was made accordingly, but Niverville's 
promise to storm the fort and " run over it " was 
not kept. Stevens says that his enemies had not 
the courage to do this, or even to bring up their 
" fortification," meaning their fire-wagon with its 
shield of planks. In fact, an open assault upon 
a fortified place was a thing unknown in this bor- 
der warfare, whether waged by Indians alone, or 
by French and Indians together. The assailants 
only raised the war-whoop again, and fired, as be- 
fore, from behind stumps, logs, and bushes. This 
amusement they kept up from two o'clock till 
night, when they grew bolder, approached nearer, 
and shot flights of fire-arrows into the fort, which, 
water being abundant, were harmless as their 
bullets. At daylight they gave over this exercise, 
called out " Good morning ! " to the garrison, and 
asked for a suspension of arms for two hours. 
This being agreed to, another flag of truce pres- 
ently appeared, carried by two Indians, who planted 
it in the ground within a stone's throw of the fort, 
and asked that two men should be sent out to con- 
fer with them. This was done, and the men soon 
came back with a proposal that Stevens should 
sell provisions to his besiegers, under a promise on 
their part that they would give him no farther 
trouble. He answered that he would not sell them 
provisions for money, but would exchange them 
for prisoners, and give five bushels of Indian corn 

1 Stevens to Colonel William Williams, April, 1747. 


for every hostage placed in his hands as security 
for the release of an English captive in Canada. 
To this their only answer was firing a few shots 
against the fort, after which they all disappeared, 
and were seen no more. The garrison had scarcely 
eaten or slept for three days. " I believe men were 
never known to hold out with better resolution," 
writes Stevens ; and " though there were some 
thousands of guns shot at us, we had but two men 
slightly wounded, John Brown and Joseph Ely." 1 

Niverville and his party, disappointed and hun- 
gry, now made a tour among the scattered farms 
and hamlets of the country below, which, inca- 
pable of resisting such an inroad, were abandoned 
at their approach. Thus they took an easy revenge 
for their rebuff at Number Four, and in a march of 
thirty or forty leagues, burned five small deserted 
forts or stockaded houses, " three meeting-houses, 
several fine barns, about one hundred dwellings, 
mostly of two stories, furnished even to chests of 
drawers, and killed five to six hundred sheep and 
hogs, and about thirty horned cattle. This devas- 
tation is well worth a few prisoners or scalps." 2 
It is curious to find such exploits mentioned with 
complacency, as evidence of prowess. 

The successful defence of the most exposed place 
on the frontier was welcome news throughout New 
England, and Commodore Charles Knowles, who 
was then at Boston, sent Stevens a silver-hilted 
sword in recognition of his conduct. The settlers 

1 Stevens to Colonel W. Williams, April, 1747. 
a N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 97. 

244 WAR AND POLITICS. [1747. 

of Number Four, who soon returned to their back- 
woods home, were so well pleased with this com- 
pliment to one of their fellows that they gave to 
the settlement the baptismal name of the Commo- 
dore, and the town that has succeeded the hamlet 
of Number Four is Charlestown to this day. 1 

1 Just after the withdrawal of the French and Indians, Stevens wrote 
two letters giving an account of the affair, one to Governor Shirley, and 
the other to Colonel William Williams, who seems to have been his im- 
mediate military superior. At most points they are substantially the 
same ; but that to Williams contains some passages not found in the other. 
The letter to Shirley is printed in Saunderson, History of Charlestown, 
N. H., 34-37, and that to Williams in Collections of the New Hampshire 
Historical Society, IV. 109-113. Stevens also kept a diary, which was 
long in possession of his descendants. One of these, Mr. B. F. Stevens, 
kindly made a search for it, at my request, and learned that it had been 
unfortunately destroyed by fire, in 1856. Doolittle, in his Narrative of 
Mischief, and Hoyt, in his Antiquarian Researches, give other accounts. 
The French notices of the affair are few and short, as usual in cases of 
failure. For the principal one, see .ZV. Y. Col. Docs., X. 97. It is here 
said that Stevens asked for a parley, in order to capitulate ; but all the 
English accounts say that the French made the first advances. 




SINCE the last war, the settlements of Massachu- 
setts had pushed westward and begun to invade 
the beautiful region of mountains and valleys 
that now forms Berkshire. Villages, or rudiments 
of villages, had grown up on the Housatonic, and 
an establishment had been attempted at Pontoosuc, 
now Pittsfield, on the extreme western limits of 
the province. The position of these new settle- 
ments was critical, for the enemy could reach them 
with little difficulty by way of Lake Champlain 
and Wood Creek. The Massachusetts Government 
was not unmindful of them, and when war again 
broke out, three wooden forts were built for their 
protection, forming a line of defence westward 
from Northfield on the northern frontier of the 
province. One of these forts was in the present 
town of Heath, and was called Fort Shirley; 

246 FORT MASSACHUSETTS. [1745,1746. 

another, named Fort Pelham, was in the present 
town of Rowe ; while the third, Fort Massachu- 
setts, was farther westward, in what is now the 
town of Adams, then known as East Hoosac. Two 
hundred men from the militia were taken into pay 
to hold these posts and patrol the intervening 
forests. Other defensive works were made here 
and there, sometimes by the votes of town meet- 
ings, and sometimes by individuals, at their own 
cost. These works consisted of a fence of pali- 
sades enclosing a farm-house, or sometimes of a 
blockhouse of timber or heavy planks. Thus, at 
Northfield, Deacon Ebenezer Alexander, a veteran 
of sixty who had served at Louisbourg, built a 
" mount," or blockhouse, on the knoll behind his 
house, and carried a stockade from it to enclose 
the dwelling, shed, and barn, the whole at the cost 
of thirty-six pounds, one shilling, and sixpence, 
in Massachusetts currency, 1 which the town re- 
paid him, his fortifications being of public utility 
as a place of refuge for families in case of attack. 
Northfield was a place notoriously dangerous, and 
military methods were in vogue there in season 
and out of season. Thus, by a vote of the town, 
the people were called to the Sunday sermon by 
beat of drum, and Eleazer Holton was elected to 
sound the call in consideration of one pound and 
ten shillings a year, the drum being hired of 
Ensign Field, its fortunate possessor, for the 

1 Temple and Sheldon, History of Northfield, 237, give the items from 
the original account. This is one of the best of the innumerable town- 
histories of New England. 


farther sum of three shillings. This was in the 
earlier days of Northfield. In 1734 the Sunday 
drum-beat was stopped, and the worshippers were 
summoned by the less obstreperous method of 
" hanging out a flagg," for the faithful discharge 
of which function Daniel Wright received in 1744 
one pound and five shillings. 1 

The various fortifications, public and private, 
were garrisoned, sometimes by the owner and his 
neighbors, sometimes by men in pay of the pro- 
vincial Assembly. As was to be expected from a 
legislative body undertaking warlike operations, 
the work of defence was but indifferently con- 
ducted. John Stoddard, the village magnate of 
Northampton, was charged, among the rest of his 
multifarious employments, with the locating and 
construction of forts ; Captain Ephraim Williams 
was assigned to the general command on the 
western frontier, with headquarters at Fort Shir- 
ley and afterwards at Fort Massachusetts ; and 
Major Israel Williams, of Hatfield, was made 

At Northfield dwelt the Reverend Benjamin 
Doolittle, minister, apothecary, physician, and 
surgeon of the village ; for he had studied medi- 
cine no less than theology. His parishioners 
thought that his cure of bodies encroached on 
his cure of souls, and requested him to confine 
his attention to his spiritual charge ; to which he 
replied that he could not afford it, his salary as 
minister being seventy-five pounds in irredeemable 

i Temple and Sheldon, History of Norlhfield, 218. 

248 FORT MASSACHUSETTS. [1745,1746. 

Massachusetts paper, while his medical and surgi- 
cal practice brought him full four hundred a year. 
He offered to comply with the wishes of his flock 
if they would add that amount to his salary, 
which they were not prepared to do, and the 
minister continued his heterogeneous labors as 

As the position of his house on the village 
street seems to have been regarded as strategic, 
the town voted to fortify it with a blockhouse 
and a stockade, for the benefit both of the occu- 
pant and of all the villagers. This was accord- 
ingly done, at the cost of eighteen pounds, seven 
shillings, and sixpence for the blockhouse, and a 
farther charge for the stockade ; and thenceforth 
Mr. Doolittle could write his sermons and mix his 
doses in peace. To his other callings he added 
that of historiographer. When, after a ministry 
of thirty-six years, the thrifty pastor was busied 
one day with hammer and nails in mending the 
fence of his yard, he suddenly dropped dead from a 
stroke of heart-disease, to the grief of all North- 
field ; and his papers being searched, a record was 
found in his handwriting of the inroads of the 
enemy that had happened in his time on or near 
the Massachusetts border. Being rightly thought 
worthy of publication, it was printed at Boston in 
a dingy pamphlet, now extremely rare, and much 
prized by antiquarians. 1 

1 A short Narrative of Mischief done by the French and Indian Enemy, 
on the Western Frontiers of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay ; from 
the Beginning of the French War, proclaimed by the King of France, 
March 15th, 1743-4 ; and by the King of Great Britain, March 29tk, 1744, 


Appended to it are the remarks of the author 
on the conduct of the war. He complains that 
plans are changed so often that none of them take 
effect ; that terms of enlistment are so short that 
the commissary can hardly serve out provisions to 
the men before their time is expired ; that neither 
bread, meat, shoes, nor blankets are kept on hand 
for an emergency, so that the enemy escape while 
the soldiers are getting ready to pursue them ; 
that the pay of a drafted man is so small that 
twice as much would not hire a laborer to take 
care of his farm in his absence ; and that untried 
and unfit persons are commissioned as officers : in 
all of which strictures there is no doubt much 

Mr. Doolittle's rueful narrative treats mainly of 
miscellaneous murders and scalpings, interesting 
only to the sufferers and their friends ; but he 
also chronicles briefly a formidable inroad that 
still holds a place in New England history. 

It may be remembered that Shirley had devised 
a plan for capturing Fort Frederic, or Crown Point, 
built by the French at the narrows of Lake Cham- 
plain, and commanding ready access for war- 
parties to New York and New England. 

to August 2nd, 1748. Drawn up by the Rev. Mr. Doolittle, of Northfield, 
in the County of Hampshire ; and found among his Manuscripts after his 
Death. And at the Desire of some is now Published, with some small Addi- 
tions to render it more perfect. Boston ; Printed and sold by S. Kneeland, 
in Queen Street. MDCCL. 

The facts above given concerning Mr. Doolittle are drawn from the 
excellent History of Northfield by Temple and Sheldon, and the introduc- 
tion to the Particular History of the Five Years' French and Indian War, 
by S. G. Drake. 


The approach of D'Anville's fleet had defeated 
the plan ; but rumors of it had reached Canada, 
and excited great alarm. Large bodies of men 
were ordered to Lake Cham plain to protect the 
threatened fort. The two brothers De Muy 
were already on the lake with a numerous party 
of Canadians and Indians, both Christian and 
heathen, and Rigaud de Vaudreuil, town-major of 
Three Rivers, was ordered to follow with a still 
larger force, repel any English attack, or, if none 
should be made, take the offensive and strike a 
blow at the English frontier. On the 3d of Au- 
gust, Rigaud l left Montreal with a fleet of canoes 
carrying what he calls his army, and on the 
12th he encamped on the east side of the lake, 
at the mouth of Otter Creek. There was rain, 
thunder, and a violent wind all night ; but the 
storm ceased at daybreak, and, embarking again, 
they soon saw the octagonal stone tower of Fort 

The party set up their tents and wigwams near 
the fort, and on the morning of the 16th the elder 
De Muy arrived with a reinforcement of sixty 
Frenchmen and a band of Indians. They had just 
returned from an incursion towards Albany, and 
reported that all was quiet in those parts, and 
that Fort Frederic was in no danger. Now, to 
their great satisfaction, Rigaud and his band saw 
themselves free to take the offensive. The ques- 

1 French writers always call him Rigand, to distinguish him from his 
brother, Pierre Rigaud de Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, afterwards governor of 
Canada, who is usually mentioned as Vaudreuil. 

1746.] RIGAUD'S WAR- PARTY. 251 

tion was, where to strike. The Indians held coun- 
cil after council, made speech after speech, and 
agreed on nothing. Rigaud gave them a wampum- 
belt, and told them that he meant to attack Corlaer, 
that is, Schenectady ; at which they seemed well 
pleased, and sang war-songs all night. In the 
morning they changed their minds, and begged 
him to call the whole army to a council for 
debating the question. It appeared that some of 
them, especially the Iroquois converts of Caughna- 
waga, disapproved of attacking Schenectady, be- 
cause some of their Mohawk relatives were always 
making visits there, and might be inadvertently 
killed by the wild Western Indians of Rigaud's 
party. Now all was doubt again, for as Indians 
are unstable as water, it was no easy task to hold 
them to any plan of action. 

The Abenakis proposed a solution of the diffi- 
culty. They knew the New England border well, 
for many of them had lived upon it before the war, 
on terms of friendly intercourse with the settlers. 
They now drew upon the floor of the council-room 
a rough map of the country, on which was seen a 
certain river, and on its upper waters a fort 
which they recommended as a proper object of 
attack. The river was that eastern tributary of 
the Hudson which the French called the Kaske'- 
kouke, the Dutch the Schaticook, and the English 
the Hoosac. The fort was Fort Massachusetts, 
the most westerly of the three posts lately built to 
guard the frontier. " My Father," said the Abe- 
naki spokesman to Rigaud, " it will be easy to 


take this fort, and make great havoc on the lands 
of the English. Deign to listen to your children 
and follow our advice." 1 One Cadenaret, an 
Abenaki chief, had been killed near Fort Massa- 
chusetts in the last spring, and his tribesmen were 
keen to revenge him. Seeing his Indians pleased 
with the proposal to march for the Hoosac, Rigaud 
gladly accepted it; on which whoops, yelps, and 
war-songs filled the air. Hardly, however, was 
the party on its way when the Indians changed 
their minds again, and wanted to attack Saratoga ; 
but Rigaud told them that they had made their 
choice and must abide by it, to which they as- 
sented, and gave him no farther trouble. 

On the 20th of August they all embarked and 
paddled southward, passed the lonely promontory 
where Fort Ticonderoga was afterwards built, and 
held their course till the lake dwindled to a mere 
canal creeping through the weedy marsh then 
called the Drowned Lands. Here, nine summers 
later, passed the flotilla of Baron Dieskau, bound 
to defeat and ruin by the shores of Lake George. 
Rigaud stopped at a place known as East Bay, at 
the mouth of a stream that joins "Wood Creek, 
just north of the present town of Whitehall. 
Here he left the younger De Muy, with thirty 
men, to guard the canoes. The rest of the party, 
guided by a brother of the slain Cadenaret, filed 
southward on foot along the base of Skene Moun- 

1 Journal de la Campagnede Rigaud de Vaudreuil en 1746 . . . presents 
a Monseigneur le Comte de Maurepas, Ministre et Secretaire d'Etat (written 
by Rigaud). 

1746.] MAKCH OF RIGAUD. 253 

tain, that overlooks Whitehall. They counted 
about seven hundred men, of whom five hundred 
were French, and a little above two hundred were 
Indians. 1 Some other French reports put the 
whole number at eleven hundred, or even twelve 
hundred, 2 while several English accounts make it 
eight hundred or nine hundred. The Frenchmen 
of the party included both regulars and Canadians, 
with six regular officers and ten cadets, eighteen 
militia officers, two chaplains, one for the whites 
and one for the Indians, and a surgeon. 3 

After a march of four days, they encamped on 
the 26th by a stream which ran into the Hudson, 
and was no doubt the Batten Kill, known to the 
French as la riviere de Saratogue. Being nearly 
opposite Saratoga, where there was then a garri- 
son, they changed their course, on the 27th, from 
south to southeast, the better to avoid scouting- 
parties, which might discover their trail and de- 
feat their plan of surprise. Early on the next day 
they reached the Hoosac, far above its mouth ; and 
now their march was easier, " for," says Rigaud, 
" we got out of the woods and followed a large 
road that led up the river." In fact, there seem 
to have been two roads, one on each side of the 
Hoosac ; for the French were formed into two bri- 
gades, one of which, under the Sieur de la Valterie, 
filed along the right bank of the stream, and the 

1 " Le 19, ayant fait passer 1'armee en Revue qui se tronva de 700 
hommes, scavoir 500 franfois environ et 200 quelques sauvages." Journal 
de Rigaud. 

3 See N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 103, 132. 

8 Ibid., X. 35. 


other, under the Sieur de Sabrevois, along the left ; 
while the Indians marched on the front, flanks, and 
rear. They passed deserted houses and farms be- 
longing to Dutch settlers from the Hudson ; for the 
Hoosac, in this part of its course, was in the prov- 
ince of New York. 1 They did not stop to burn 
barns and houses, but they killed poultry, hogs, a 
cow, and a horse, to supply themselves with meat. 
Before night they had passed the New York line, 
and they made their camp in or near the valley 
where Williamstown and Williams College now 
stand. Here they were joined by the Sieurs Beau- 
bassin and La Force, who had gone forward, with 
eight Indians, to reconnoitre. Beaubassin had 
watched Fort Massachusetts from a distance, and 
had seen a man go up into the watch-tower, but 
could discover no other sign of alarm. Apparently, 
the fugitive Dutch farmers had not taken pains to 
warn the English garrison of the coming danger, 
for there was a coolness between the neighbors. 

Before breaking up camp in the morning, Rigaud 
called the Indian chiefs together and said to them : 
" My children, the time is near when we must get 
other meat than fresh pork, and we will all eat it 
together." " Meat," in Indian parlance, meant pris- 
oners ; and as these were valuable by reason of 
the ransoms paid for them, and as the Indians had 
suspected that the French meant to keep them 

1 These Dutch settlements on the Hoosac were made under what was 
called the " Hoosac Patent," granted by Governor Dongan of New York 
in 1688. The settlements were not begun till nearly forty years after the 
grant was made. For evidence on this point I am indebted to Professor 
A. L. Perry, of Williams College. 


all, they were well pleased with this figurative 
assurance of Rigaud that they should have their 
share. 1 

The chaplain said mass, and the party marched 
in a brisk rain up the Williamstown valley, till 
after advancing about ten miles they encamped 
again. Fort Massachusetts was only three or four 
miles distant. Rigaud held a talk with the Abe- 
naki chiefs who had acted as guides, and it was 
agreed that the party should stop in the woods 
near the fort, make scaling-ladders, battering-rams 
to burst the gates, and other things needful for a 
grand assault, to take place before daylight ; but 
their plan came to nought through the impetuosity 
of the young Indians and Canadians, who were so 
excited at the first glimpse of the watch-tower of 
the fort that they dashed forward, as Rigaud says, 
" like lions." Hence one might fairly expect to 
see the fort assaulted at once ; but by the maxims 
of forest war this would have been reprehensible 
rashness, and nothing of the kind was attempted. 
The assailants spread to right and left, squatted 
behind stumps, and opened a distant and harm- 
less fire, accompanied with unearthly yells and 

Fort Massachusetts was a wooden enclosure 
formed, like the fort at Number Four, of beams 
laid one upon another, and interlocked at the 

1 "Mes enfans, leur dis-je, le temps approche ou il faut faire d'autre 
viande qne le pore frais ; an reste, nous la mangerons tous ensemble ; ce 
mot les flatta dans la crainte qu'ils avoient qu'apres la prise du fort noua 
ne nous re'servames tous les prisonniers." Journal de Rigaud. 



angles. This wooden wall seems to have rested, 
not immediately upon the ground, but upon a 
foundation of stone, designated by Mr. Norton, 
the chaplain, as the " underpinning," a name 
usually given in New England to foundations of the 
kind. At the northwest corner was a blockhouse, 1 
crowned with the watch-tower, the sight of which 
had prematurely kindled the martial fire of the 
Canadians and Indians. This wooden structure, 
at the apex of the blockhouse, served as a lookout, 
and also supplied means of throwing water to ex- 
tinguish fire-arrows shot upon the roof. There were 
other buildings in the enclosure, especially a large 
log-house on the south side, which seems to have 
overlooked the outer wall, and was no doubt loop- 
holed for musketry. On the east side there was 
a well, furnished probably with one of those long 
well-sweeps universal in primitive New England. 
The garrison, when complete, consisted of fifty-one 
men under Captain Ephraim Williams, who has 
left his name to Williamstown and Williams Col- 
lege, of the latter of which he was the founder. 
He was born at Newton, near Boston ; was a man 
vigorous in body and mind ; better acquainted with 
the world than most of his countrymen, having fol- 
lowed the seas in his youth, and visited England, 
Spain, and Holland ; frank and agreeable in man- 
ners, well fitted for such a command, and respected 

1 The term " blockhouse " was loosely used, and was even sometimes ap- 
plied to an entire fort when constructed of hewn logs, and not of palisades. 
The true blockhouse of the New England frontier was a solid wooden 
structure about twenty feet high, with a projecting upper story and loop- 
boles above and below. 


and loved by his men. 1 When the proposed inva- 
sion of Canada was preparing, he and some of his 
men went to take part in it, and had not yet re- 
turned. The fort was left in charge of a sergeant, 
John Hawks, of Deerfield, with men too few for 
the extent of the works,. and a supply of ammuni- 
tion nearly exhausted. Canada being then put on 
the defensive, the frontier forts were thought safe 
for a time. On the Saturday before Rigaud's arri- 
val, Hawks had sent Thomas Williams, the sur- 
geon, brother of the absent captain, to Deerfield, 
with a detachment of fourteen men, to get a supply 
of powder and lead. This detachment reduced the 
entire force, including Hawks himself and Norton,, 
the chaplain, to twenty-two men, half of whom 
were disabled with dysentery, from which few of 
the rest were wholly free. 2 There were also in 
the fort three women and five children. 3 

1 See the notice of Williams in Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII. 47. He was 
killed in the bloody skirmish that preceded the Battle of Lake George 
in 1755. Montcalm and Wolfe, chap. ix. 

8 "Lord's Day and Monday . . . the sickness was very distressing. 
. . . Eleven of onr men were sick, and scarcely one of us in perfect 
health ; almost every man was troubled with the griping and flux." 
Norton, The Redeemed Captive. 

8 Rigaud erroneously makes the garrison a little larger. " La garnison 
se tronva de 24 hommes, entre lesquels il y avoit un ministre, 3 femmes, 
et 5 enfans." The names and residence of all the men in the fort when 
the attack began are preserved. Hawks made his report to the provincial 
government under the title " An Account of the Company in his Majesty's 
Service under the command of Serg\ John Hawks . . . at Fort Massachu- 
setts, Aug. 20 [31, new style], 1746." The roll is attested on oath " Before 
William Williams, Just. Pads." The number of men is 22, including 
Eawks and Norton. Each man brought his own gun. I am indebted 
to the kindness of Professor A. L. Perry for a copy of Hawks's report, 
which is addressed to "the Honble. Spencer Phipps, Esq., Lieut. Gov! 
and Commander in Chief [and] the Hon b ! e his Majesty's Council and 
House of Representatives in General Court assembled." 

VOL. II. 17 


The site of Fort Massachusetts is now a meadow 
by the banks of the Hoosac. Then it was a rough 
clearing, encumbered with the stumps and refuse 
of the primeval forest, whose living hosts stood 
grimly around it, and spread, untouched by the 
axe, up the sides of the neighboring Saddleback 
Mountain, The position of the fort was bad, be- 
ing commanded by high ground, from which, as 
the chaplain tells us, " the enemy could shoot over 
the north side into the middle of the parade," 
for which serious defect, John Stoddard, of North- 
ampton, legist, capitalist, colonel of militia, and 
" Superintendent of Defence," was probably an- 
swerable. These frontier forts were, however, 
often placed on low ground with a view to an 
abundant supply of water, fire being the most 
dreaded enemy in Indian warfare. 1 

Sergeant Hawks, the provisional commander, 
was, according to tradition, a tall man with sun- 
burnt features, erect, spare, very sinewy and 
strong, and of a bold and resolute temper. He 
had need to be so, for counting every man in the 
fort, lay and clerical, sick and well, he was beset 
by more than thirty times his own number ; or, 
counting only his effective men, by more than 
sixty times, and this at the lowest report of the 
attacking force. As there was nothing but a log 
fence between him and his enemy, it was clear 

1 When I visited the place as a college student, no trace of the fort was 
to be seen except a hollow, which may have been the remains of a cellar, 
and a thriving growth of horse-radish, a relic of the garrison garden. 
My friend Dr. D. D. Slade has given an interesting account of the spot 
in the Magazine of American History for October, 1888. 

1746.] RIGAUD WOUNDED. 259 

that they could hew or burn a way through it, 
or climb over it with no surprising effort of valor. 
Rigaud, as we have seen, had planned a general 
assault under cover of night, but had been thwarted 
by the precipitancy of the young Indians and Cana- 
dians. These now showed no inclination to de- 
part from the cautious maxims of forest warfare. 
They made a terrific noise, but when they came 
within gunshot of the fort, it was by darting from 
stump to stump with a quick, zigzag movement that 
made them more difficult to hit than birds on the 
wing. The best moment for a shot was when they 
reached a stump, and stopped for an instant to duck 
and hide behind it. By seizing this fleeting oppor- 
tunity, Hawks himself put a bullet into the breast 
of an Abenaki chief from St. Francis, " which 
ended his days," says the chaplain. In view of the 
nimble ness of the assailants, a charge of bucKshot 
was found more to the purpose than a bullet. Be- 
sides the slain Abenaki, Rigaud reports sixteen In- 
dians and Frenchmen wounded, 1 which, under 
the circumstances, was good execution for ten far- 
mers and a minister ; for Chaplain Norton loaded 
and fired with the rest. Rigaud himself was one of 
the wounded, having been hit in the arm and sent to 
the rear, as he stood giving orders on the rocky hill 
about forty rods from the fort. Probably it was a 
chance shot, since, though rifles were invented long 
before, they were not yet in general use, and the 
yeoman garrison were armed with nothing but their 

1 " L'Ennemi me tua un abenakis et me blessa 16 hommes, tant Iroquois 
qu'Abenaqnis, nipissings et frai^ois." Journal de Riyaud. 


own smooth-bore hunting-pieces, not to be trusted at 
long range. The supply of ammunition had sunk so 
low that Hawks was forced to give the discouraging 
order not to fire except when necessary to keep the 
enemy in check, or when the chance of hitting him 
should be unusually good. Such of the sick men 
as were strong enough aided the defence by cast- 
ing bullets and buckshot. 

The outrageous noise lasted till towards nine in 
the evening, when the assailants greeted the fort 
with a general war-whoop, and repeated it three 
or four times ; then a line of sentinels was placed 
around it to prevent messengers from carrying the 
alarm to Albany or Deerfield. The evening was 
dark and cloudy. The lights of a camp could 
be seen by the river towards the southeast, and 
those of another near the swamp towards the west. 
There was a sound of axes, as if the enemy were 
making scaling-ladders for a night assault ; but it 
was found that they were cutting fagots to burn 
the wall. Hawks ordered every tub and bucket to be 
filled with water, in preparation for the crisis. Two 
men, John Aldrich and Jonathan Bridgman, had 
been wounded, thus farther reducing the strength 
of the defenders. The chaplain says : " Of those 
that were in health, some were ordered to keep 
the watch, and some lay down and endeavored 
to get some rest, lying down in our clothes with 
our arms by us. ... We got little or no rest ; the 
enemy frequently raised us by their hideous out- 
cries, as though they were about to attack us. The 
latter part of the night I kept the watch." 

1746.] A PARLEY. 261 

Rigaud spent the night in preparing for a deci- 
sive attack, " being resolved to open trenches two 
hours before sunrise, and push them to the foot of 
the palisade, so as to place fagots against it, set 
them on fire, and deliver the fort a prey to the fury 
of the flames." * It began to rain, and he deter- 
mined to wait till morning. That the commander 
of seven hundred French and Indians should resort 
to such elaborate devices to subdue a sergeant, 
seven militia-men, and a minister, for this was 
now the effective strength of the besieged, was 
no small compliment to the spirit of the defence. 

The firing was renewed in the morning, but 
there was no attempt to open trenches by day- 
light. Two men were sent up into the watch- 
tower, and about eleven o'clock one of them, 
Thomas Knowlton, was shot through the head. 
The number of effectives was thus reduced to 
eight, including the chaplain. Up to this time 
the French and English witnesses are in tolerable 
accord ; but now there is conflict of evidence. 
Rigaud says that when he was about to carry 
his plan of attack into execution, he saw a white 
flag hung out, and sent the elder De Muy, with 
Montigny and D'Auteuil, to hear what the Eng- 
lish commandant whose humble rank he no- 
where mentions had to say. On the other 

1 " Je passay la nuit a conduire Pouvrage anqnel j'avois destine? le jour 
precedent, rcsolu k faire ouvrir la tranche'e deux heures avant le lever du 
soleil, et de la pousser jusqu'au pied de la palissade, pour y placer les 
fascines, y appliquer 1'artifice, et livrer le fort en prove a la furenr du 
feu." Journal de Rigaud. He mistakes in calling the log wall of the 
fort a palisade. 


hand, Norton^ the chaplain, says that about noon 
the French " desired to parley," and that " we 
agreed to it." He says farther that the sergeant, 
with himself and one or two others, met Rigaud 
outside the gate, and that the French commander 
promised " good quarter " to the besieged if they 
would surrender, with the alternative of an assault 
if they would not. This account is sustained by 
Hawks, who says that at twelve o'clock an Indian 
came forward with a flag of truce, and that he, 
Hawks, with two or three others, went to meet 
Rigaud, who then offered honorable terms of capit- 
ulation. 1 The sergeant promised an answer with- 
in two hours ; and going back to the fort with his 
companions, examined their means of defence. He 
found that they had left but three or four pounds 
of gunpowder, and about as much lead. Hawks 
called a council of his effective men. Norton 
prayed for divine aid and guidance, and. then they 
fell to considering the situation. " Had we all 
been in health, or had there been only those eight 
of us that were in health, I believe every man 
would willingly have stood it out to the last. 
For my part, I should," writes the manful chap- 
lain. But besides the sick and wounded, there 
were three women and five children, who, if the 
fort were taken by assault, would no doubt be 
butchered by the Indians, but who might be saved 

1 Journal of Sergeant Hawks, cited by William L. Stone, Life and 
Times of Sir William Johnson, I. 227. What seems conclusive is that 
the French permitted Norton to nail to a post of the fort a short account 
of its capture, in which it is plainly stated that the first advances were 
made by Rigand. 

1746.] CAPITULATION. 263 

by a capitulation. Hawks therefore resolved to 
make the best terms he could. He had defended 
his post against prodigious odds for twenty-eight 
hours. Rigaud promised that all in the fort should 
be treated with humanity as prisoners of war, and 
exchanged at the first opportunity. He also prom- 
ised that none of them should be given to the 
Indians, though he had lately assured his savage 
allies that they should have their share of the 

At three o'clock the principal French officers 
were admitted into the fort, and the French flag 
was raised over it. The Indians and Canadians 
were excluded ; on which some of the Indians pulled 
out several of the stones that formed the foundation 
of the wall, crawled through, opened the gate, and 
let in the whole crew. They raised a yell when 
they saw the blood of Thomas Knowlton trickling 
from the watch-tower where he had been shot, 
then rushed up to where the corpse lay, brought 
it down, scalped it, and cut off the head and arms. 
The fort was then plundered, set on fire, and 
burned to the ground. 

The prisoners were led to the French camp ; 
and here the chaplain was presently accosted by 
one Doty, Rigaud's interpreter, who begged him 
to persuade some of the prisoners to go with the 
Indians. Norton replied that it had been agreed 
that they should all remain with the French ; and 
that to give up any of them to the Indians would 
be a breach of the capitulation. Doty then ap- 
pealed to the men themselves, who all insisted on 


being left with the French, according to the terms 
stipulated. Some of them, however, were given 
to the Indians, who, after Rigaud's promise to 
them, could have been pacified in no other way. 
His fault was in making a stipulation that he 
could not keep. Hawks and Norton, with all the 
women and children, remained in the French 

Hearing that men were expected from Deerfield 
to take the places of the sick, Rigaud sent sixty 
Indians to cut them off. They lay in wait for the 
English reinforcement, which consisted of nine- 
teen men, gave them a close fire, shot down fifteen 
of them, and captured the rest. 1 This or another 
party of Rigaud's Indians pushed as far as Deer- 
field and tried to waylay the farmers as they went 
to their work on a Monday morning. The Indians 
hid in a growth of alder-bushes along the edge of 
a meadow where men were making hay, accom- 
panied by some children. One Ebenezer Hawks, 
shooting partridges, came so near the ambushed 
warriors that they could not resist the temptation 
of killing and scalping him. This alarmed the 
haymakers and the children, who ran for their lives 
towards a mill on a brook that entered Deerfield 
River, fiercely pursued by about fifty Indians, 
who caught and scalped a boy named Amsden. 
Three men, Allen, Sadler, and Gillet, got under the 
bank of the river and fired on the pursuers. Allen 
and Gillet were soon killed, but Sadler escaped 

1 One French account says that the Indians failed to meet the English 
party. N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 35. 

1*46.] THE PRISONERS. 265 

unhurt to an island. Three children of Allen 
Eunice, Samuel, and Caleb were also chased 
by the Indians, who knocked down Eunice with a 
tomahawk, but were in too much haste to stop and 
scalp her, and she lived to a good old age. Her 
brother Samuel was caught and dragged off, but 
Caleb ran into a field of tall maize, and escaped. 

The firing was heard in the village, and a few 
armed men, under Lieutenant Clesson, hastened to 
the rescue; but when they reached the spot the 
Indians were gone, carrying the boy Samuel Allen 
with them, and leaving two of their own number 
dead. Clesson, with such men as he had, followed 
their trail up Deerfield River, but could not over- 
take the light-footed savages. 

Meanwhile, the prisoners at Fort Massachusetts 
spent the first night, well guarded, in the French 
and Indian camps. In the morning, Norton, ac- 
companied by a Frenchman and several Indians, 
was permitted to nail to one of the charred posts 
of the fort a note to tell what had happened to him 
and his companions. 1 The victors then marched 
back as they had come, along the Hoosac road. 
They moved slowly, encumbered as they were by 
the sick and wounded. Rigaud gave the Indians 
presents, to induce them to treat their prisoners 
with humanity. Norton was in charge of De Muy, 

1 The note was aa follows : " August 20 [31, new style], 1746. These 
are to inform yon that yesterday, about 9 of the clock, we were besieged 
by, as they say, seven hundred French and Indians. They have wonnded 
two men and killed one Knowlton. The General de Vandreuil desired 
capitulations, and we were so distressed that we complied with his terms. 
We are the French's prisoners, and have it under the general's hand that 
every man, woman, and child shall be exchanged for French prisonere." 


and after walking four miles sat down with him 
to rest in Williamstown valley. There was a yell 
from the Indians in the rear. "I trembled," 
writes Norton, "thinking they had murdered 
some of our people, but was filled with admiration 
when I saw all our prisoners come up with us, 
and John Aldrich carried on the back of his In- 
dian master." Aldrich had been shot in the foot, 
and could not walk. "We set out again, and had 
gone but a little way before we came up with 
Josiah Reed." Reed was extremely ill, and could 
go no farther. Norton thought that the Indians 
would kill him, instead of which one of them carried 
him on his back. They were said to have killed 
him soon after, but there is good reason to think 
that he died of disease. " I saw John Perry's 
wife," pursues the chaplain ; " she complained that 
she was almost ready to give out." The Indians 
threatened her, but Hawks spoke in her behalf to 
Rigaud, who remonstrated with them, and they 
afterwards treated her well. The wife of another 
soldier, John Smead, was near her time, and had 
lingered behind. The French showed her great 
kindness. " Some of them made a seat for her to 
sit upon, and brought her to the camp, where, 
about ten o'clock, she was graciously delivered of 
a daughter, and was remarkably well. . . . Fri- 
day : this morning I baptized John Smead's child. 
He called its name Captivity" The French made 
a litter of poles, spread over it a deer-skin and a 
bear-skin, on which they placed the mother and 
child, and so carried them forward. Three days 

1746.] RAVAGES. 267 

after, there was a heavy rain, and the mother was 
completely drenched, but suffered no harm, though 
" Miriam, the wife of Moses Scott, hereby catched 
a grievous cold." John Perry was relieved of his 
pack, so that he might help his wife and carry her 
when her strength failed. Several horses were 
found at the farms along the way, and the sick 
Benjamin Simons and the wounded John Aldrich 
were allowed to use two of them. Rarely, in- 
deed, in these dismal border-raids were prisoners 
treated so humanely ; and the credit seems chiefly 
due to the efforts of Rigaud and his officers. The 
hardships of the march were shared by the victors, 
some of whom were sorely wounded ; and four 
Indians died within a few days. 

" I divided my army between the two sides of 
the Kaskekouke* " (Hoosac), says Rigaud, " and or- 
dered them to do what I had not permitted to be 
done before we reached Fort Massachusetts. Every 
house was set on fire, and numbers of domestic 
animals of all sorts were killed. French and In- 
dians vied with each other in pillage, and I made 
them enter the [valleys of all the] little streams 
that flow into the Kaskekouke and lay waste 
everything there. . . . Wherever we went we 
made the same havoc, laid waste both sides of 
the river, through twelve leagues of fertile coun- 
try, burned houses, barns, stables, and even a 
meeting-house, in all, above two hundred estab- 
lishments, killed all the cattle, and ruined all 
the crops. Such, Monseigneur, was the damage 
I did our enemies during the eight or nine days I 


was in their country." l As the Dutch settlers 
had escaped, there was no resistance. 

The French and their allies left the Hoosac at 
the point where they had reached it, and retraced 
their steps northward through the forest, where 
there was an old Indian trail. Recrossing the 
Batten Kill, or "River of Saratoga," and some 
branches of Wood Creek, they reached the place 
where they had left their canoes, and found them 
safe. Rigaud says : " I gave leave to the Indians, 
at their request, to continue their fighting and 
ravaging, in small parties, towards Albany, Sche- 
nectady, Deerfield, Saratoga, or wherever they 
pleased, and I even gave them a few officers and 
cadets to lead them." These small ventures were 
more or less successful, and produced, in due time, 
a good return of scalps. 

The main body, now afloat again, sailed and 
paddled northward till they reached Crown Point. 
Rigaud rejoiced at finding a haven of refuge, for 
his wounded arm was greatly inflamed : " and it 
was time I should reach a place of repose." He 
and his men encamped by the fort and remained 
there for some time. An epidemic, apparently 
like that at Fort Massachusetts, had broken out 
among them, and great numbers were seriously ill. 

Norton was lodged in a French house on the 
east side of the lake, at what is now called Chimney 
Point ; and one day his guardian, De Muy, either 
thinking to impress him with the strength of the 
place, or with an amusing confidence in the min- 
ister's incapacity for making inconvenient military 

1 Journal de Rigaud. 

1746-1748.] THE FORT REBUILT. 269 

observations, invited him to visit the fort. He 
accepted the invitation, crossed over with the 
courteous officer, and reports the ramparts to 
have been twenty feet thick, about twenty feet 
high, and mounted with above twenty cannon. 
The octagonal tower which overlooked the ram- 
parts, and answered in some sort to the donjon of 
a feudal castle, was a bomb-proof structure in 
vaulted masonry, of the slaty black limestone of 
the neighborhood, three stories in height, and 
armed with nine or ten cannon, besides a great 
number of patereroes, a kind of pivot-gun much 
like a swivel. 1 

In due time the prisoners reached Montreal, 
whence they were sent to Quebec ; and in the 
course of the next year those who remained alive 
were exchanged and returned to New England. 2 
Mrs. Smead and her infant daughter " Captivity " 
died in Canada, and, by a singular fatality, her 
husband had scarcely returned home when he was 
waylaid and killed by Indians. Fort Massachu- 
setts was soon rebuilt by the province, and held 
its own thenceforth till the war was over. Ser- 
geant Hawks became a lieutenant-colonel, and took 
a creditable part in the last French war. 

For two years after the incursion of Rigaud the 
New England borders were scourged with partisan 
warfare, bloody, monotonous, and futile, with no 

1 Kalm also describes the fort and its tower. Little trace of either 
now remains. Amherst demolished them in 1759, when he built the 
larger fort, of which the rains still stand on the higher ground- behind 
the site of its predecessor. 

2 Of the twenty-two men in the fort when attacked, one, Knowlton, 
was killed by a bullet ; one, Reed, died just after the surrender ; ten died 
in Canada, and ten returned home. Report of Sergeant Hawkt. 


event that needs recording, and no result beyond a 
momentary check to the progress of settlement. 
At length, in July, 1748, news came that the chief 
contending powers in Europe had come to terms 
of agreement, and in the next October the Peace 
of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed. Both nations were 
tired of the weary and barren conflict, with its 
enormous cost and its vast entail of debt. It was 
agreed that conquests should be mutually restored. 
The chief conquest of England was Louisbourg, 
with the island of Cape Breton, won for her by 
the farmers and fishermen of New England. 
When the preliminaries of peace were under dis- 
cussion, Louis XV. had demanded the restitution 
of the lost fortress ; and George II. is said to have 
replied that it was not his to give, having been 
captured by the people of Boston. 1 But his sense 
of justice was forced to yield to diplomatic neces- 
sity, for Louisbourg was the indispensable price 
of peace. To the indignation of the Northern 
provinces, it was restored to its former owners. 
" The British ministers," says Smollett, " gave up 
the important island of Cape Breton in exchange 
for a petty factory in the East Indies " (Madras), 
and the King deigned to send two English noble- 
men to the French court as security for the bargain. 
Peace returned to the tormented borders ; the 
settlements advanced again, and the colonists 
found a short breathing space against the great 
conclusive struggle of the Seven Years' War. 

i N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 147. 





Second Memoire concernant les limites des Colonies presente 
en 1720, par Bobe pretre de la congregation de la 
Mission, a Versailles. Archives Nationales. 
(Extracts, printed literatim.) 

" L'annee Dernier 1719 je presente* un Memoire Concer- 
nant les pretensions reciproques de la grande bretagne et de 
la france par Raport aux Colonies des deux Nations dans 
L'Amerique, et au Reglement des limites des dites Colonies. 

" Je ne repete pas ce que j'ay dit dans ce memoire, je 
prie seulement que 1'on pese bien tout ce que j'y dis pour 
Aneantir les pretensions des Anglois, et pour les Convaiu- 
cre, s'ils veullent etre de bonne foy, qu'elles sont des plus 
mal fondees, tres Exorbitantes, et me'mes injustes, qu'ayant 
usurpe* sur La france presque tout ce qu'ils possedent en 
Amerique, ils deveroient luy rendre au lieu de luy de- 
mander, et qu'ils deveroient estimer Coinme un tres grand 
avantage pour Eux, la Compensation que j'y propose pour 
finir cette affaire, laqu'elle, sans cette Compensation, renai- 
tra toujours jusqu'a ce qu'enfin la france soit rentree en 
paisible possession de tout ce qui luy appartient legitime- 
ment, et dont on ne L'a depouillee que par la force et La 
malheureuse Conjoncture des terns, qui sans doute tot on 
tard luy seront plus favorables. 

VOL II. 18 


" II Est surprenant que les Anglois entendus Comme ils 
sont par Raport a leurs Interests, ne fassent pas attention 
qu'il Leurs est infiniment plus Avantageux de s'assurer, par 
un traite raisonnable, la tranquille et perpetuelle possession 
des pay is ou ils etoient etablis avant la paix D'utrecht, que 
de vouloir profiter des Conjonctures pour oster aux frangois 
des payis qu'ils ne Cederont jamais de bon Coeur, et dont 
ils se rempareront quand ils trouveront 1'occasion favorable 
pour Cela, se persuadant qu'il leur sera alors permis de 
reprendre par force, ce que par force on leurs a pris, et ce 
qu'ils ont ete oblige de Ceder a Utrecht; et meme de 
reprendre au moins une partie des payis que 1'angleterre 
a usurpez sur la f ranee, qui ne les a jainais cedez par 
aucun traite que je scache. . . . 

" Jean Verazan par ordre de f ranqois 1 fit La decouverte 
de tous les payis et Costes qui sont Entre le 33? et le 47 e . 
Degre de latitude, et y fit deux voyages dont le dernier fut 
en 1523 et par ordre et au nom du dit Koy francois l e . r il 
prit possession de toute cette Coste et de tous ces payis, 
bien long terns avant que les Anglois y Eussent Etc*. 

"L'an 1562 Les franqois s'e'tablirent dans La Caroline. 
Champlain a La fin de la relation de ses voyages fait un 
chapitre exprez Dans lequel il prouve. 

" 1. Que La france a pris possession de toutes les Costes 
et payis depuis la floride inclusivement jusqu'au fleuve Sf 
Laurent inclusivein*, avant tout autre prince Chretien. 

2. Que nos roys ont eu, dez le Cornmanceinent des 
decouvertes des lieutenans generaux Dans ces payis et 

3. Que Les franqois les ont habitez avant les Anglois. 

4. Que Les pretensions des Anglois sont Mai fondles. 

"La Lecture De ce chapitre fait voir que Champlain 
prouve invinciblement tous ces chefs, et de maniere que 
les Anglois n'ont rien de bon a y repondre, de sorte que 
s'ils veullent etre de bonne foy, ils doivent Convenir 
que tous ces payis appartiennent Le'gitimement a la france 
qu'ils s'en sont emparez et qu'ils les Retiennent Centre 
toute justice. . . . 

" II Est A Remarquer que quoyque par le traitd de S! 


gerrnain 1'angleterre dut restituer tout ce qu'elle Avoit 
occupe dans la Nouvelle france, et par Consequent toute 
la Coste depuis baston jusqu'a la virginie inclusivement 
(car alors les Anglois ne s'etoient pas encore emparez de 
la Caroline) laqu'elle Coste est Certainement partie de la 
Nouvelle france, les Anglois ne 1'ont pas Cependant res- 
tituee et la gardent encore a present Contre la teneur du 
traite de S^ Germain, quoy que la france ne L'ait point 
Cedee a L'angleterre ni par le dit traite ni par Aucun 
Autre que je scache. 

"Cecy Merite La plus serieuse attention de la france, 
et qu'elle fasse Entendre serieusement aux Anglois que 
par le traite de S* germain ils se sont obligez de luy rendre 
toutte cette Coste, qui incontestablement est partie de la 
Nouvelle france, Coinine je L'ay prouve cy devant et encore 
plus au long dans mon If memoire et Comme le prouvent 
Verazan, Champlain, Denis, et toutes les plus ancienes 
Cartes de 1'amerique septentrionale. . . . 

" Or Le Commun Consentemeut de toute 1'Europe est de 
depeindre la Nouvelle france S'etendant au moins au 35^ et 
36* degrez de latitude Ainsy qu'il appert par les mappemon- 
des imprimees en Espagne, Italie, hollande, flandres, al- 
lemagne Et Angleterre meme, Sinon depuis que les Anglois 
se sont Emparez des Costes de la Nouvelle france, ou est 
L'Acadie, Etechemains L'almouchicois, et la grande riviere 
de S* 1'aurens, ou ils ont impose a leur fantaisie des Noms 
de uouvelle Angleterre, Ecosse, et autres, mais il est mal 
aise de pouvoir Effacer une chose qui est Connue De toute 
la Chretientee D'ou je Conclus^ 

"1. Quavant L'Usurpation faite par les Anglois, toute 
Cette Coste jusqu'au 35": Degre s'appelloit Uouvelle france, 
laquelle Comprenoit outre plusieurs autres provinces, 1'Ete- 
chemains, L'almouchicois, et L'acadie. . . . 

" Les Anglois Doivent remettre a La france le Port 
Royal, et La france doit insister vigoureusernent sur cette 
restitution, et ordonner aux franqois de Port Eoyal, Des 
Mines, et de Beaubassin, et autres lieux De reconaitre sa 
Majeste tres Chretiene pour leur Souverain, et leur deffen- 
dre d'obeir a aucun autre ; de plus Commander a tous ces 


lieux et payis, et a toute la partie Septentrionale de la 
Peninsule, ainsi qu'aux payis des Almouchicois et des 
Etechemains [Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts], 
de Keconaitre le gouverneur de 1'isle Eoyale pour leur 

"II Est me~me apropos De Comprendre Dans le Brevet 
de gouverneur de L'isle Eoyale tous ces payis jusqu'au 
Cap Cod. . . .' 

"Que La f ranee ne doit point souffrir que les Anglois 
s'etablissent Dans les payis qu'elle n'a pas Cedez. 

"Qu'elle Doit incessament s'en remettre en possession, 
y Envoyer quantite D'habitans, et s'y fortifier de maniere 
qu'on puisse Arreter les Anglois que depuis long terns 
tachent de s'emparer de 1'amerique francoise dont ils 
Conaissent L'importance, et dont ils feroient un meilleur 
usage que celuy que les francois en font. . . . 

" Si les Anglois disent que les payis qui sont entre les 
rivieres de quinibequi [Kennebec] et de S*? Croix font 
partie de la Nouvelle Angleterre. 


" 1. Qu'ils scavent bien le Contraire, que Ces payis ont 
tou jours fait partie de la Nouvelle f ranee, que Les francois 
les ont toujours possedez et habitez, que Monsr De S* Cas- 
tin gentilhomme francois a toujours eu, et a encore son 
habitation entre la Riviere de Quinibequi et celle de Pen- 
tagoet [Penobscof] (que mgme depuis les usurpations des 
anglois et leurs etablissements, dans leur Pretendue Nou- 
velle Angleterre) les francois ont toujours pre'tendu que 
la Nouvelle france s'etend qusqu'au Cap Cod et qu'il en 
est fait mention dans toutes les patentes de gouverneurs 

" 2 Que De L'aveu mme des Anglois, la Nouvelle An- 
gleterre a une tres petite Etendue du Cost^ de L'est, il est 
facile de le prouver par eux me'mes. 

" J'ay Lu une description de la Nouvelle Angleterre et 
des autres Colonies Angloises, Compose'e par un Anglois, 
traduite en francois, imprime'e a Paris en 1674 par Louis 


Billaine, voicy les propres termes de Get autheur Anglois, 
La Nouvelle Angleterre est au Septentrion de Marylande, 
au raport du Capitaine Smith, elle a prez de 25 Lieues de 
Coste de mer. 

" Ainsi selon les Anglois qui sont de Bonne foy, la Nou- 
velle Augleterre, qui n'a que prez de 25 lieues de Coste de 
mer, ne scauroit s'etendre jusqu'e a La Eiviere de Quine- 
bequi. C'est tout au plus si elle s'etend jusqu'a deux ou 
trois lieues a 1'est De Baston. 

" II Semble ineme que les Anglois ont basti Baston, et en 
ont fait une ville Considerable a 1'extremete de leur pre- 
tendue Nouvelle Angleterre. 

" 1 Pour etre a portee et en Etat de s'emparer sur les 
francois de tout ce qui est a L'est de Baston. 

" 2<> Pour gtre en Etat d'Empecher les francois de s'eta- 
blir sur toute Cette Coste jusqu a La Karoline inclusive- 
ment, laquelle Coste etant de Notoriete publique de la 
Nouvelle france, a ete usurpez sur La france a qui elle 
appartenoit alors, et luy appartient Encore, ne L'ayant 
jamais cedee. C'est ce que je vais prouver. 

" Apres Avoir Invinciblement Convaincu les Anglois que 
tout ce qui est a L'est de quinibequi a Toujours appartenu 
et appartient encore a La france, excepte L'Acadie selon ses 
Ancienes limites, qu'elle a Cedee par force a L' Angleterre 
par La paix d'utrecht. 

" II faut Que Presentement je prouve que toute La Coste 
depuis la Eiviere quinibequi jusqu' a La Caroline inclu- 
sivement appartient par toutes sortes de droits a La france. 
Sur qui les Anglois L'ont usurpee, voicy une partie de mes 

"Les franqois ont decouvert tous ces payis Avant les 
Anglois, et en ont pris possession avant Eux. Les Roys 
de france ont nomine ces payis Caroline et Nouvelle france 
avant que les Anglois leurs eussent donne des Noms a leur 
mode pour faire oublier les Noras que les francois Leurs 
avoient imposez. Et que ces payis Appartenoient a La 

" Les Eoys de france ont Donne* des lettres patentes a 
leurs sujets pour posseder et habiter ces payis, avant que 


Jacques If et Charles IT Roys d'Angleterre en eussent 
donne a Leurs sujets. 

" Pour Convaincre les Anglois de ces veritees il faut Lire 
avec attention ce qu'en ont Ecrit Jean verazan, Champlain, 
Laet, Denis. 

" Les traitez faits Entre La frauce et L'Angleterre, et Le 
memoire que j'ay presente L'annee Dernier 1719. 

" On j Trouvera tant de Choses, lesquelles il seroit trop 
long de Copier icy, qui prouvent que ces pay is ont toujours 
appartenu de droit a La france, et que les Anglois s'en sont 
einparez par force, que La france ne les a jamais Cedez a 
1'angleterre par aucun traite, que je scache. 

"Et Partant que La france Conserve toujours son droit 
sur tons ces payis, et qu'elle a droit de les redemander a 
1'Angleterre. Comme elle les redemande presentement, ou 
Bien un Equivalent. 

" L'Equivalent que la france demande et dont elle veut 
bien se Contenter, C'est la restitution de tout ce qu'elle a 
Cedee" par force a L'Angleterre par Le traite D'utrecht. 

" II Est De 1'honeur et de 1'interest de 1'angleterre d'ac- 
corder a la france cette Equivalent. 

" 1 Parceque n'y ayant point D'honeur a profiter des 
Malheurs D'un Roy pour Luy faire Ceder par force les 
payis qui luy appartiennent, il est de 1'honeur de L'An- 
gleterre de rendre a la france, ce qu'elle a ete Contrainte 
de luy ceder, et qu'elle ne possede qu'a ce mauvais tiltre. 

"2 II est aussi Contre la justice et 1'honeur de 1'angle- 
terre de posseder sans aucun Tiltre, et Contre toute justice 
les payis qui sont depuis la Riviere de quinibequi jusqu'a 
la Caroline inclusivement. 

"3 II N'est pas moins de 1'honeur et de 1'interest de 
1'angleterre de profiter du moyen que la france veut bien 
luy presenter, pour sassurer a perpetuite toute Cette Coste, 
et pour la posseder justem- par la Cession que la france en 
fera, et de tous ses droits sur ces payis moyennant L'Equi- 
valent propose*. 

" 4 Parceque L'Angleterre doit Craindre que la france, 
dont elle ne Doit mepriser ni le Ressentiment ni la puis- 
sance, ne trouve une Conjoncture favorable pour faire valoir 


ses pretensions et ses droits, et pour Rentier en possession 
de tout ce que L'Angleterre Luy a usurpee, et de tout ce 
qu'elle Pa oblige par force de luy Ceder. 

" 5 Quand on veut trop avoir, souvent on n'a Kien, et 
meme on perd ce que L'on Avoit. II est done de la sagesse 
Et de 1'interest de 1'Angleterre de ne pas pousser trop loin 
ses demandes, et de Convenir avec La france de sorte qu'elle 
puisse posseder Avec justice et tranquillement des payis que 
la france Aura toujours droit de reprendre jusqu'a ce qu'elle 
en ait fait une Cession libre et volontaire, et qu'il paroisse 
que L'Angleterre En faveur de Cette Cession luy ait donne 
un Equivalent. 

" La france s'offre done pour vivre en paix avec 1'Angle- 
terre de luy Ceder tous ses droits sur toute la Coste qui est 
entre la riviere de quinibequi dans la ISTouvelle france jusqu'a 
la Riviere Jourdain, dans la Caroline, de sorte que ces deux 
rivieres servent de limites aux francois et aux Anglois. 

"La france Demande pour Equivalent de la Cession de 
tant de payis, si grands, si beaux, et si a sa biensceance que 
1'Angleterre luy rende Et restitue tout ce qu'elle luy a cede 
par le traite Dutrecht. 

" Si La france ne peut pas engager L'Angleterre a conve- 
nir de Get Equivalent, Elle pouroit (rnais Ce ne doit gtre 
qu'a L'extremite) Ceder Encore a 1'Angleterre la Caroline 
francoise, C'est a dire, ce qui est au sud de la Riviere Jour- 
dain, Ou bien Ce qui est Entre la Riviere quinibequi, et Celle 
de Pentagoet. Ou bien leur offrir une somme D'argent. 

"II Semble que L'Angleterre doive estimer Comme un 
grand Avantage pour Elle, que La france veuille bien Con- 
venir de Get Equivalent, qui Assure Aux Anglois et leur 
rend legitime La possession de Cette grande etendue de 
Costes qu'ils ont usurpez sur La france, qui ne les a ja- 
mais Cedez, qui ne les Cedera jamais, et sur lesqu'elles elle 
Conservera toujours ses legitimes droit et pretensions, 
jusqu'a ce qu'elle les ait Cedees a L'angleterre moyennant 
un Equivalent raisonnable tel qu'est la Restitution de tout 
ce que La France luy a Cede' par force a Utrecht. 



" Suposee L'acceptation de Cet Equivalent par L'une et 
1'autre Nation. 

" La france toujours genereuse Consentira pour vivre en 
paix avec les Anglois, qu'une ligne tiree depuis 1'embou- 
chure de la Riviere de quinibequi, ou bien, depuis 1'em- 
bouchure de la Riviere de Pentagoet, qui ira tout droit 
passer a egale distance entre Corlard [Schenectady~\ et les 
lacs de Champlain et du Saint Sacreinent, et joindre la 
ligue par laqu'elle le sieur de L'isle geographe termine 
les terres Augloises, jusqu'a la Riviere Jourdain, ou bien 
jusqu'a La Caroline inclusivem-. La france dis-je Consen- 
tira que cette ligne serve De borne et limites aux terres 
des deux Nations, de sorte que tous les payis et terres qui 
sont entre Cette ligne et la mer appartiendront a L'Angle- 
terre, et que tout ce qui sera au dela de cette ligne appar- 
tiendra a La france. 

"Dans Le fond il est avantageux a la france de faire 
incessament regler les limites, taut pour Enipecher les An- 
glois d'empieter toujours de plus en plus sous pretexte de 
limites Non reglees, que parcequ'il est assure que si le droit 
de la france est bien soutenu le reglement lui sera Avanta- 
geux, aussi bien que 1'equivalent que j'ay propose. 

" Mais il pouroit arriver que les Anglois qui ont demand^ 
le Reglement des limites, voyant qu'il ne doit pas leur etre 
favorable s'il est fait selon la justice, pourroient bien eux 
memes 1'eloigner, arm de pouvoir toujours empieter sur les 
francois sous pretexte de limites non reglee's, et de se mettre 
toujours en possession des payis Appartenans a la france. 

"En ce Gas et aussi au Gas que les Anglois ne veullent 
pas restituer a la france leur Nouvelle Angleterre et autres 
payis jusqu'a la Caroline inclusivement qu'ils luy out usur- 
pez, ou bien leur rendre L'Acadie & pour 1'equivalent Dont 
j'ay parle. 

" 1 II faut que la france mette incessament quantite* d'ha- 
bitans dans le payis qiai est entre la riviere de quinibequi et 
Celle de S 1 .? Croix, lequel payis qui selon les Anglois N'est 
point en Litige, ni partie de la pretendue Nouvelle Ecosse, 


mme, selon 1'etendue imaginaire que luy a* donnee leur Roy 
Jacques 1 qui ne la fait Commancer qu'a La riviere S te 
Croix, et Celle de quinibequi N'ayant jainais ete" Cede ni 
par le traite D'utrecht ni par Aucun autre que je scache, 
et ce payis Ayant toujours appartenu a La france, et ete 
par elle possedez et habite, ~NL r de S* Castin gentilhomme 
francois ay ant son habitation entre la riviere de Pentagoet 
et Celle de quinibequi comme je 1'ay Deja dit. 

" 2 On peut meme faire entendre a L' Angleterre que Le 
Roy donnera Ce payis a la Compagnie des Indes qui scaura 
bien le deffendre et le faire valoir. 

" Que Le Roy donnera aussi a la Compagnie des Indes la 
Caroline francoise, Coinme depandance et province de la 
loiiisiane, a Condition qu'elle y mettera des habitans, et y 
fera batir de bons forts, et une bonne Citadelle pour soutenir 
et deffendre ce beau payis Centre les Anglois. 

" II Est Certain que si le Roy fait entendre serieusement 
qu'il est resolu de donner a la Compagnie des Indes non 
seulement La Caroline francoise, et le payis qui est entre 
les Rivieres de quinibequi et de S te Croix, mais aussi de luy 
Ceder et abandonner tous ses droits sur tous les payis que 
les Anglois ont usurpez sur la france. 

" II Est Certain Dis je, que les Anglois, Crainte D' Avoir 
affaire avec une Compagnie si puissante, se resoudront au 
Reglement des limites, tel que je 1'ay propose, et a rendre 
a la france toute la Nouvelle Ecosse ou Acadie selon ses 
Ancienes limites, Enfin tout ce que la france leur a Cedez a 
Utrecht, moyennant une somme jy Argent, ou bien L'equi- 
valent que j'ay Aussi propose. 

" Je finis Ce memoire en priant de faire une tres serieuse 
attention aux Exorbitantes pretensions des Anglois et a tout 
ce qu'ils ont fait Et font encore pour se rendre maitres de 
la pesche la Molue, et de L'Amerique francoise. 

" En Effet il est tres important que quand on traitera du 
reglement des limites, La france attaque les Anglois au lieu 
d'etre sur La defensive, C'est a dire, qu'elle doit demander 
aux Anglois tout ce qu'ils ont usurpez sur Elle, et le de- 
mander vigoureusement. 

"C'est peut etre le meilleur rnoyen de les mettre a la 


Raison, il est meme apropos qu'elle les presse de finir 
Cette affaire, Dout sans doute La Conclusion luy sera 
Avantageuse, si on luy rend justice." 



Archives du Hinistere des Affaires Etrangeres. 


"Pour tous les Raisons deduites cy devant La france 
demande a Langleterre. 

"1 Qu'Elle laisse jouir Tranquillement la france de 
Tous les pays qui sont a L'Est de la riviere Quinibequi 
ou de Celie de S* Georges exeepte de la seulle ville de Port 
Royal avec sa banlietie et de L'accadie selon ses anciennes 
Limites, C'Est a dire La partie Meridionale de la Peninsule 
depuis le Cap fourchu jusqua Camseau Exclusivement, Que 
la france a cedee par la traite d'Utrecht, Tout le reste qui 
est a L'Est de Quinibequi \_Kennebec~], appartenant a La 
France en tout souverainete depuis L'an 1524. Laquelle 
ne la jamais cede ny par le Traitte d'Utrecht ny par aucun 
autre traitte". 

" 2 Que les Anglois Laissent Vivre Tranquillement sous 
la domination du Roy les nations Sauvages qui sont dans 
Les payis a L'Est de Quinibequi et qu'ils Ninquietent point 
les Missionnaires qui demeureront Ches les d. Nations Ny 
les franqois qui Iront Ches Elles. 

"3 Que Les Anglois restituent a la france ce qu'ils ont 
occupe" a L'Est de Quinibequi et qu'ils ne Trouvent pas 
mauvais que les francjois prennent detruisent ou gardent les 
forts Postes et habitations, que les Anglois ont Etablis, ou 
Etabliront dans tous les Pays a L'Est de Quinibiqui, ou de 
la Rivierre S' Georges Car quand me*me il ne Seroist pas 
sure que Ces d. Pays appartiennent a La France, il suffit 
qu'ils sont Contest^ pour rendre injuste et Violente L'occu- 
pation qu'En feroient les Anglois avant que la Contestation 
fut finie. 

"4 Que Les Anglois restituent tout ce qu'ils Occupent 


dans la Nouvelle france depuis Le 30 e degre jusqua Quini- 
bequi ou jusqua La Rivierre S' georges Comine Elle y est 
obligee par Le traitte de S*. germain En Laye En 1632. 
La france ne luy ay ant jamais cede par aucun Traitte aucune 
partie de toute La Nouvelle france, sinon La Ville de Port 
Royal avec sa Banlieiie et lacadie selon ses anciennes 

"Si les Anglois disent que la France ne s'est point 
opposee aux occupations qu'ils ont fait dans la Nouvelle 

" Je Leur repons que la france sy est toujours opposee et 
qu'elle s'Est Toujours Maintenue dans la souverainete de 
toute la Nouvelle france, soit en donnant tout ses Pays 
enconcession, soit en y envoyant des gouverneurs generaux, 
soit en Nommant Vice Roys de la Nouvelle france Les plus 
grands Seigneurs du Royaume, Tels Ont este M. Le Comte 
de Soissons, M. Le Prince de Conde, M. de Montmorency, 
M. Le Due de Vantadour, M. Le Cardinal de Richelieu etc. 
qui des les premiers terns ont este successivement Viceroys 
de la Nouvelle france et Terres Circonvoisines, par la Lec- 
ture de leurs patentes On verra que Nos Roys se sont Tou- 
jours Conserve la Souverainete des pays qui sont Entre le 
30? et Le 50^ degre, et qu'ils Nont jamais Consenty que les 
Anglois y fissent aucun Etablissement et que sy-ils y en ont 
fait QJ( este Malgre la france, que avoit trop d'affaires en 
Europe pour pouvoir les Empecher, Se reservant Toujours 
ses droits et la Volonte de les faire Valoir quand Elle en 
Trouveroit une occasion favorable, ce qui pourroit bien ar- 
river un jour, alors on Verroit que L'on ne s'Empare pas 
Impunement et par Violence, des Domaines d'un Roy de 
france et qu'il est asses puissant pour se remettre en poces- 
sion Tost ou tard de ce qu'on a Usurpe sur luy, C'est a quoy 
les Anglois deveroient faire attention, et ce qui devroit les 
obliger de ne pas mepriser Ny maltraitter La France Comme 
Us font. 

"La france s'Est encore opposed aux Usurpations des 
Anglois Les ayant oblige* par le traitte de S l . Germain En 
1632, de restituer a la france Tout ce qu'ils avoient jus- 
qual'ors occupe dans la Nouvelle france, Us Nont pas cepen- 


dant Encore fait cette restitution, Mais on leur demande 
presentement qu'ils la fassent incessammant N'Etant pas 
juste qu'ils retiennent plus Lougtems -ce qui ne leur appar- 
tient pas, et qu'ils ont promis solennellement de restituer a 
la f ranee. 

" Mais disent Les Anglois Nous sommes Etablis dans La 
Nouvelle france depuis la Caroline Inclusivement jusqua 
Quinibequi depuis 1585, jusqua presant 1723. Nous y 
avons mis quantitee d'habitans et bastis plusieurs grandes 
villes. Navons Nous pas prescrit Contre La france par une 
sy Longue procession." 


"Non parce que La france sy est Tou jours opposee par 
les Lettres pattentes qu'Elle a donnees aux Concesionnaires 
Generaux, aux Lieutenants generaux et aux Viceroys de la 
Nouvelle france. 

" Non parce que La france obligea en 1632, par Le traitte 
de S* Germain, Langleterre de luy restituer tous les lieux 
occupes dans la Nouvelle france par les Anglois, Et que le 
traitte' de Breda en 1667, celuy de Neutralite en 1686, et 
celuy d' Utrecht en 1713, ne disent rien d'ou on puisse In- 
ferer que la france ait cede a Langleterre aucune partie 
de la Nouvelle france, sinon la province de la Cadie se- 
lon ses anciennes Limittes, et la seule ville de Port Royal 
avee ses dependances ou Banlieue. Je dis encore que Cette 
longue possession des anglois, ces Villes baties et ce grand 
Nombre d'habitans mis par eux dans ces pays Nane'antissent 
point le droit de la france pour les redemander 

" II y avoit Environ 150 ans que les f ranqois avoient aban- 
donne" les postes qu'ils avoient alors sur la Coste du Bresil 
les Portuguais sy Etablirent aussitost y Mirent quantite 
d'habitans et y batirent de grandes Villes. Us ne Croyoient 
pas cependant que pour cela la france fut decline de ses 
droits de propriety et de souverainete' sur ces pays aban- 
donne's par Elle depuis 150 ans, puisqua Utrecht en 1713 
Le Roy de Portugal demanda au Roy qu'il luy abandonnat 
ses droits sur ces pays, ce qui Le Roy fit en Consideration 
du Portugal. 


"Les Anglois possedoient depuis longues annees La Ja- 
maique yavoient quantite d'habitans, de forts et de riches 
Villes, persuades cependant que les droits de 1'Espagne 
subsisteroient Tant quelle Ny auroit pas renonce en leur 
faveur. Us demanderent a Utrecht Cette renonciation au 
Roy d'Espagne et il la leur accorda. 

" Si les Anglois avoient demand^ a la f ranee une Cession 
de tous ces droits sur les pays occupe's par Eux dans la Nou- 
velle france II y a apparance que le Roy leur auroit fait 
cession a des Conditions raisonnables. Us nont pas deinan- 
des cette cession, ou sy ils lont demandee, elle ne leur a pas 
este accordee les droits de la france subsistent done Tou- 
jours et Elle pretend presentement que les Anglois qui en 
usent sy mal avec Elle, luy restituent Tout ce quelle a 
usurpe* dans la Nouvelle france depuis le 30 ? jusquau 
50 e degreV' 

" Mais disent les Anglois Commant pouvoir restituer un 
sy vaste pays ou nous avons une Infinite d'habitans et un 
tres grand nombre de belles et riches villes ? Une Telle 
restitution N'Est pas practicable." 


" Javoue qu'il est Men difficile de sy resoudre meme aux 
personnes qui font profession d'aimer L'Equite et La 

" Mais Le Roy aime trop la nation Angloise, a trop de 
Consideration pour Elle, desire trop luy faire plaisir, et est 
trop genereux pour exiger d'Elle une Telle restitution Vou- 
lant luy donner Un Exemple de la moderation dont il sou- 
haite que Langleterre use a son Egard. 

" II se desistera Volontiers de tous ces droits et consen- 
tira que Toute la Coste jusqua 20 Lieue's dans 1'Enfonce- 
ment des Terres Depuis le 32? degre jusqua la Rivierre de 
Quinibequi demeure en toute propriete' et souverainet^ a 
perpetuite a Langleterre a condition quelle Sobligera par 
un traitte solennel et de'cisif de ne jamais passer ces limites. 
Que la france ne sera jamais Inquiete par Langleterre dans 
la Jouissance en propriete et souverainete de Ce qui est au 


dela de ces 20 lieues dans lenfoncement des terres et de Tons 
les pays qui sont a L'Est de la rivierre de Quinibequi, qui 
de Ce Coste la servira de Limites aux deux Nations, et que 
Langleterre rendra a la france Le port Koyal et la Cadie 
avec leurs dependances, Enfin Tout ce que la france luy 
a Cede par le traite d' Utrecht sans en rien Excepter. 

" Get offre du Eoy doit estre agreable a Langleterre et 
luy faire plaisir, parceque sy elle 1'accepte elle possedera 
a juste Titre cette grande partie de la Nouvelle france, 
qu'Elle possedera Toujours injustement sy Elle Naccepte 
pas un offre sy raisonnable que Luy fait Le Eoy qui sans 
cette acceptation Ne renoncera jamais a ses droits de sou- 
verainete sur une sy grande et sy belle partie de la Nou- 
velle France, droits que les anglois doivent Craindre qu'il 
Ne fasse Valoir Tost ou tard, Car si puissante que soit 
Langleterre, Us ne doivent pas croire que la france ne 
luy cede rien en puissance ny en quoy que ce soit, et qu'on 
ne la meprise et maltraitte pas Impunement. 

" Sy Les Anglois ont quelques autres titres et quelques 
autres raysons a alleguer en leur faveur, sy on me veut 
faire L'honneur de me les Communiquer, Je moffre d'y 
repondre d'une maniere a les obliger d' avoiier qu'ils ont 
tort, sils sont de bonne foy et si ils aiment La justice et la 


"On vient de me faire voire une carte de la nouvelle 
france presente au Koy par les Anglois sur la quelle est 
trace" par une ligne tout ce qu'ils pretendent en vertu du 
traitte" d'Utrecht. 

" Ils y etendent sy loin leurs pretentious dans Les terres, 
qu'il y a tout lieu de Croire que cette Ligne na pas et4 
traced, Ny Cette carte presentee" par ordre et au scu du 
Sage et judicieux ministre dangleterre, mais par quel- 
qu'Un que donne a penser qu'il veut brouiller L'angleterre 
avec La france. 

" Ce qui donne encore plus de lieu a avoir de luy cette 
pensee" C'est que le traitt^ d'Utrecht ayant determine* les 
Limites des deux Nations pour la pesche, par desairs de 


vent, quoyque par toutes les nations les airs de vent se 
tracent en Ligne droite, il les a trace en Ceintre a L'Est 
de Lisle de Sable, en quoy il semble avoir Intention de se 
mocquer de la france et de L'Irriter. 

"La prise d'un vaisseau franqois dans Le passage de 
Camceau, La Construction d'un fort a Canceau, Le nom 
d'albanie donne a la partye de la Nouvelle France qui est 
entre quinibequi et la ville de Port Royal pays qui n'a point 
este Cede par le traitte d'Utrecht, Les forts Coustruits, et 
Les Concessions donnees, Les Nations sauvages, et Les 
missionnaires maltraites dans ce pays appartenaut a la 
france, ou du moins pretendu et Conteste par Elle. 

"Tout cela pourroit bieu Venir de quelque Anglois qui 
voudroit broililler les deux Nations. C'est aux Anglois 
pacifiques a le punir et a la france a sopposer a de telles 
entreprises jusqu ce que les Liinites soient reglees d'Une 
Maniere Equitable. 

"Collationne et figure sur une Copie de Memoire ou 
notte en papier non Signee ni dattee estant au Secretariat 
du Chateau S' Louis de Quebec ou elle est restee Par Le 
Notaire Eoyal en la prevoste" de Quebec y resident sous- 
signe ce jourdhuy Vingt cinq Juillet mil sept cent cinquante. 


"Francois Bigot, Conseiller du Eoy en ses Conseils, 
Intendant de justice, Police, finances et de la marine en la 
Nouvelle france. 

"Certifions a tousqu'il appartiendra que M. T . Dulaurent 
qui a signe la Collation de L'autre part Est notaire Eoyal 
en la prevoste de Quebec Et que foy doit Estre ajoutee' 
a sa signature En la d e . qualite ; En temoin de quoy nous 
avons signed et fait Contresigner ces presentes par notre 
secretaire et a Icelles fait apposer le Cachet de nos armes. 
fait en notre hotel a Quebec Le p e . r Aoust, mil sept cent 




Endorsed. " Envoye" par M? Bigot Intend? du Canada avec sa iettre 
au MH de Puyzieulx du 1" aoust 1760. No 25, 1723." 





Lettre d'un Habitant de Louisbourg contenant une Relation 
exacte et circonstanciee de la Prise de I' Isle Boyale par 
les Anglois. A Quebec, chez Guillaume le Sincere, a 
V Image de la Verite. MDCCXLV. [Extraits.~] 

" . . . Le mauvais succes dont cette entreprise (against 
Annapolis') a ete suivie, est envisage, avec raison, comme 
la cause de notre perte. Les Anglois ne nous auroient 
peut-etre point inquietes, si nous n'eussions ete les premi- 
ers a les insulter. Notre qualite d'aggresseurs nous a ete 
funeste ; je 1'ai oili conter a plus d'un ennemi, & je n'y vois 
que trop d'apparence. Les habitans de la nouvelle Angle- 
terre etoient interresses a vivre en paix avec nous. Us 
1'eussent sans doute fait, si nous ne nous etions point avises 
mal a propos de les tirer de cette securite ou ils etoient 
a notre e'gard. Ils comptoient que de part & d'autre, on ne 
prendroit aucun parti dans cette cruelle guerre qui a mis 
1'Europe en feu, et que nous nous tiendrions comme eux 
sur la seule defensive. La prudence le dictoit; mais elle 
n'est pas tou jours la regie des actions des hommes : nous 
1'avons plus eprouve que qui que ce soit. . . . 

"... L'expedition de 1'Acadie manque*e, quoiqu'il y eiit 
tout a parier qu'il reuissiroit par le pen de forces que les 
ennemis avoient pour nous register, leur fit faire de serieuses 
reflexions sur notre crainte, ou notre faiblesse. Selon tous 
les apparences, ils en conclurent qu'ils devoient profiter 
d'une aussi favorable circonstance, puisque des-lors ils tra- 
vaillerent avec ardeur a 1'armement qui leur e"tait neces- 
saire. Ils ne firent pas comme nous : ils se preterent un 
secours mutuel : on arma dans tous leurs Ports, depuis 
1'Acadie jusqu'au bas de la Cote : on de"pe"cha en Angleterre, 
& on envoya, dit on, jusqu'a la Jama'ique afin d'en tirer 
tous les secours qu'il seroit possible. Cette entreprise fut 


concert^e avec prudence, et Ton travailla tout 1'hiver pour 
tre pret au premier beau terns. 

" Les preparatifs n'en pouvaient tre si secrets, qu'il n'en 
transpirat quelque chose. Nous en avions ete informes des 
les premiers instans, & assez a terns pour en pouvoir donner 
avis a la Cour. . . . 

" Nous eumes tout 1'hiver a nous, c'etait plus qu'il u'en 
falloit pour nous mettre en etat de defense ; mais la terreur 
s'etoit emparee des esprits : on tenait des conseils, dont le 
resultat n'avoit rien que de bizarre et de puerile ; cependant 
le terns s'ecoulait, nous perdions de precieux momens en de'- 
liberations inutiles, & en resolutions presque aussitot de'- 
truites que prises. Quelques ouvrages demaudoient qu'on 
les parachevat: il en falloit renforcer quelques-uns, aug- 
menter quelques autres, pourvoir a des postes, visiter tous 
ceux de 1'Isle, voir ou la descente etoit plus facile, faire le 
denombrement des personnes en etat de porter les armes, 
assigner a chacun son poste ; enfin se donner tous les soins 
et les mouvemens ordinaires en pareil cas ; rien de tout cela 
ne se faisoit ; de sorte que nous avons ete surpris, comme si 
1'ennemi fut venu fondre sur nous a 1'improviste. Nous 
aurions eu meme assez de terns pour nous precautionner 
mieux qu'on ne 1'a fait, depuis le jour ou nous vimes pa- 
roitre les premiers Na vires qui nous ont bloques ; car ils 
n'y sont venues que les uns apres les autres, ainsi que je 
le dirai dans la suite. La negligence & la deraison avoient 
conjure la perte de notre malheureuse Isle. . . . 

" Ce fut le quatorze [Mars], que nous vimes les premiers 
Navires ennernis ; ils n'etoient encore que deux, & nous les 
primes d'abord pour des Vaisseaux Franqois; mais nous 
fumes bien tot detrompe's par leur manoeuvre. Le nombre en 
augmentoit de jour a autre, il en arriva jusqu'a la fin de 
Mai. Ils croiserent long-terns, sans rien tenter. Le rendez- 
vous general etoit devant notre Isle, ou ils arrivoient de tous 
cotez ; car on avoit arme' a 1'Acadie, Plaisance, Baston, & 
dans toute 1'Amerique Anglaise. Les secours d'Europe ne 
vinrent qu'en Juin. C'etoit moins une entreprise forme'e 
par la Nation ou par le Koi, que par les seuls habitans de 
la nouvelle Angleterre. Ces peuples singuliers ont des 

VOL. II. 19 


Lois & une Police qui leur sont particulieres, & leur Gou- 
verneur tranche du Souverain. Cela est si vrai, que, quoi- 
qu'il y cut guerre declaree entre les deux Couronnes, il 
nous la declara lui de son chef & en son nom, comme s'il 
avoit fallu qu'il eut autorise son maitre. Sa declaration 
portoit, qu'il nous declaroit la guerre pour lui, & pour tous 
ses amis & allies; il entendoit parler apparemment des 
Sauvages qui leur sont soumis, qu'on appelle Indiens, & 
que 1'on distingue des Sauvages qui obeissent a la France. 
On verra que PAmiral Warren n'avoit rien a commander 
aux troupes envoyees par le Gouverneur de Baston, & que 
cet Amiral n'a ete que Spectateur, quoique ce soit a lui que 
nous nous soy on s rendus. II nous en avoit fait solliciter. 
Ce qui marque bien 1'independance qu'il y avoit entre 1'ar- 
mee de terre & celle de mer que Ton nous a toujours dis- 
tinguees comme si elles eussent ete de differentes Nations. 
Quelle Monarchic s'est jamais gouverne'e de la sorte ? 

" La plus grande partie des Batimens de transport etant 
arrives dans le commencement de Mai, nous les apperQumes 
le onze en ordre de bataille, au nombre de quatre-vingt seize 
venant du cote de Canceaux & dirigeant leur route vers la 
Pointe plate de la Baye de Gabarus. Nous ne doutames 
plus qu'ils n'y fissent leur descente. C'est alors qu'on vit 
la necessite des precautions que nous aurions du prendre. 
On y envoy a a la hate un de'tachement de cent hommes, tires 
de la garnison & des Milices, sous le commandement du 
sieur Morpain, Capitaine de Port. Mais que pouvait un 
aussi faible corps, centre la multitude que les ennemis 
debarquoient ! Cela n'aboutit qu'a faire tuer une partie 
des notres. Le sieur Morpain trouva deja pres de deux 
milles hommes de"barques ; il en tua quelques-uns & se 

" L'Ennemi s'empare de toute la campagne, & un detache- 
ment s'avance jusques aupres de la batterie Royale. Pour 
le coup, la frayeur nous saisit tous ; on parla des 1'instant 
d'abandonner cette magnifique batterie, qui auroit ete notre 
plus grande defense, si 1'on eut scu en faire usage. On tint 
tumultuairement divers Conseils la-dessus. II seroit bien 
difficile de dire les raisons qui portoient a un aussi etrange 


precede; si ce n'est une terreur panique, que ne nous a 
plus quitte de tout le Siege. II n'y avoit pas eu encore 
un seul coup de fusil tire sur cette batterie, que les en- 
nemis ne pouvoient prendre qu'en faisant leurs approches 
comine pour la Ville, & 1'assiegeant, pour ainsi dire, dans 
les regies. On en a dit sourdement une raison sur laquelle 
je ne suis point en etat de decider ; je 1'ai pourtanfc entendu 
assurer par une personne qui etait dans la batterie; mais 
mon poste etant en Ville, il y avoit long- terns que je 
n'etois alle a la batterie Eoyale: C'est que ce qui deter- 
miiia a un abandon si criminel, est qu'il y avoit deux breches 
qui n'avoient point ete reparees. Si cela est, le crime est 
encore plus grand, parce que nous avions eu plus de loisir 
qu'il n'en falloit, pour mettre ordre a tout. 

" Quoiqu'il en soit, la resolution f ut prise de renoncer a ce 
puissant boulevard, malgre" les representations de quelques 
gens sages, qui gemissoient de voir commettre une si lourde 
faute. Us ne purent se faire e"couter. Inutilement remon- 
trerent-ils que ce seroit te'moigner notre foiblesse aux enne- 
mis, qui ne manqueroient point de profiter d'une aussi 
grande e'tourderie, & qui tourneroient cette nigme batterie 
contre nous ; que pour faire bonne contenance & ne point 
rechauffer le courage a 1'ennemi, en lui donnant des le pre- 
mier jour, une si grande esperance de re'ussir, il falloit se 
maintenir dans ce poste important le plus que 1'on pourroit : 
qu'il etoit evident qu'on s'y conserveroit plus de quinze 
jours, & que ce delai pouvoit tre employe" a retirer tous 
les canons dans la Ville. On repondit que le Conseil 1'avoit 
resolu autrement ; ainsi done par ordre du Conseil, on aban- 
donna le 13 sans avoir essuy<3 le moindre feu, une batterie 
de trente pieces de canon, qui avoit coute au Roi des sommes 
immenses. Get abandon se fit avec tant de precipitation, 
qu'on ne se donna pas le temps d'enclotier les canons de la 
maniere que cela se pratique ; aussi les ennemis s'en servi- 
rent-ils des le lendemain. Cependant on se flatoit du con- 
traire; je fus sur le point de gager qu'ils ne tarderoient 
gueres a" nous en battre. On etoit si peu a soi, qu'avant de 
se retirer de la batterie, le feu prit a un baril de poudre, qui 
pensa faire sauter plusieucs personnes, & brula la robe 


d'un Eeligieux Eecolet. Ce n'e'toit pas de ce moment que 
1'imprudence caracterisoit nos actions, il y avoit long-teins 
qu'elle s'etoit refugiee parmi nous. 

" Ce que j'avois prevu arriva. Des le quatorze les enne- 
mis nous saluerent avec nos propres Canons, dont ils firent 
un feu epouvantable. Nous leur repondimes de dessus les 
murs ; mais nous ne pouvions leur rendre le mal qu'ils 
nous faisoient, rasant nos maisons, & foudroyant tout ce 
qui etoit a leur portee. 

" Tandis que les Anglois nous chauffoient de la batterie 
Royale, ils etablissoient une Plate-forme de Mortiers sur la 
hauteur de Rabasse proche le Barachois du cote de 1' Quest, 
qui tirerent le seize jour ou a commence le boinbardement. 
Ils avoient des Mortiers dans toutes les batteries qu'ils ele- 
verent. Les bombes nous out beaucoup incommode. . . ., 

" Les ennemis paroissoient avoir envie de pousser vigou- 
reusement le Siege. Ils e'tablirent une batterie aupres de 
la Plaine de Brissonnet, qui commen^a a tirer le dix-sept, 
& travaillerent encore a une autre, pour battre directeraent 
la Porte Dauphine, entre les maisons du nomine la Roche 
& Lescenne, Canonier. Ils ne s'en tinrent point a ces bat- 
teries, quoiqu'elles nous battissent en breche ; mais ils en 
dresserent de nouvelles pour soutenir les premieres. La 
Plaine marecageuse du bord de la Mer a la Pointe blanche, 
les incommodoit fort, & empchoit qu'ils ne poussassent 
leurs travaux comme ils 1'auroient souhaite : pour y re'me- 
dier, ils pratiquerent divers boyaux, afin de couper cette 
Plaine; etant venus & bout de la desse'cher, ils y firent 
deux batteries qui ne tirerent que quelques jours apres. 
II y en avoit une au dessus de 1'habitation de Martissance, 
compose'e de sept pieces de canon, prises en partie de la 
Batterie Koyale & de la Pointe plate ou s'etait fait le 
de'barquement. On la destinoit a miner le Bastion Dau- 
phin ; ces deux dernieres batteries ont presque rasd la 
Porte Dauphine. 

"Le dix-huit nous vimes paroftre un Navire, avec Pavilion 
Francois, qui cherchoit k donner dans le Port. II fut re- 
connu pour gtre effectivement de notre Nation, & afin de 
favoriser son entrde, nous rimes uu feu continuel sur la Bat- 


terie Koyale. Les Anglais ne pouvant resister a la viva- 
cite de notre feu, qui ue discontinuoit point, ne purent 
empecher ce Navire d'entrer, qu'il leur eut ete facile sans 
cela de couler a fond. Ce petit refraichissement nous fit 
plaisir ; c'etoit un Navire Basque : il nous en etoit venu 
un autre dans le courant d'Avril. 

"Nous n'eumes pas le meme bonheur pour un Navire de 
Granville, qui se presenta aussi pour entrer, quelques jours 
apres; mais qui ayant ete poursuivi, fut contraient de 
s'echouer, & se battit long-terns. Celui qui le comniandoit, 
nomine Daguenet, etoit un brave homme, lequel ne se 
rendit qu'a la derniere extrmite, & apres avoir ete accable 
par le nombre. II avoit transporte tous les Canons d'un 
meme cote, & en fit un feu si terrible, que les ennemis 
n'eurent pas bon marche de lui. II fallut armer presque 
toutes leurs Chaloupes pour le prendre. Nous avons sc,u 
de ce Capitaine, qu'il avoit rencontre le Vigilant, & que 
c'etoit de ce malheureux Vaisseau, qu'il avoit apris que 
1'Isle Royale etoit bloquee. Cette circonstance importe 
au recit que je vais faire. 

" Vous etes persuades, en France, que la prise de ce 
Vaisseau de guerre a occasionne la notre, eela est vraie en 
quelque sorte, mais nous eussions pu nous soutenir sans lui 
si nous n'avions pas entasse fautes sur fautes, ainsi que 
vous avez du vous en aperqevoir jusqu'a present. II est 
vrai que, graces a nos imprudences, lors que ce puissant 
secours nous arrivoit, nous commencions a etre sans espe"- 
rance. S'il fut entre, comme il le pouvoit, nous serions 
encore dans nos biens, & les Anglais eussent ete forces de 
se retirer. 

" Le Vigilant parut le vingt-huit ou le vingt-neuf de 
Mai, a environ une lieue et demie de distance de Santarge 
[stc]. Le vent etait pour lors Nord-Est, & par consequent 
bon pour entrer. II laissoit la Flotte Anglaise a deux lieues 
& demi sous le vent. Rien ne pouvoit done 1'empecher 
d'entrer ; & c'est par la plus grande de toutes les fatalites 
qu'il est devenu la proye de nos Vainqueurs. Temoins de 
sa manoeuvre, il n'etoit personne de nous qui ne donnat 
des maledictions a une manoeuvre si inal concertee & si 



" Le Vaisseau, commande par M. de la Maisonfort, an 
lieu de suivre sa route, ou d'envoyer sa chaloupe a terre 
pour prendre langue, ainsi que le requeroit la prudence, 
s'amusa a poursuivre un Corsaire monte" en Senault qu'il 
rencontra malheureusement sous la terre. Ce Corsaire, 
que commandoit un nonime Brousse (Rous) manoauvre 
d'une autre maniere que le Vaisseau Francois. II se battit 
toujours en retraite, forqant de voiles et attirant son en- 
nerni vers 1'Escadre Angloise ; ce qui lui reussit; car le 
Vigilant se trouva tellement engage, qu'il ne lui fut plus 
possible de se sauver, quand on eut vu le danger. Deux 
Fregates 1'attaquerent d'abord ; M. de la Maisonfort leur 
repondit par un feu tres vif, qui en mit bien-tot une hors 
de combat ; elle fut dematee de son grand mat, desemparee 
de toutes les manoeuvres, et contrainte de se retirer. Mais 
il vint cinq autres Fregates qui chaufferent le Vigilant 
de toutes parts; le combat que nous voyons a decouvert, 
dura depuis cinq heures du soir jusqu'a dix. Enfin il 
fallut ceder a la force, & se rendre. Les ennemis ont 
beaucoup perdu dans ce combat, & le commandant Franqais 
eut quatre-vingts hommes tues ou blesse's ; le Vaisseau 
n'a ete que fort peu endommage. 

" On doit dire, a la gloire de M. de la Maisonfort, qu'il 
a fait preuve d'une extreme valeur dans ce combat ; mais 
il auroit mieux valu qu'il eut suivi sa destination ; c'etoit 
tout ce que les inte'rets du Roi exigeoient. Le Ministre ne 
1'envoyoit pas pour donner la chasse a aucun Vaisseau en- 
nemi ; charge* de munitions de guerre & de bouche, son 
Vaisseau e'toit uniquement destine a ravitailler notre mal- 
heureuse Place, qui n'auroit jamais e'te' en effet emportee, 
si nous eussions pu recevoir un si grand secours ; mais 
nous e*tions des victimes de'voue'es a la colere du Ciel, qui 
a voulu faire servir contre nous jusqu'a nos propres forces. 
Nous avons squ des Anglais, depuis notre reddition, qu'ils 
commenQoient a manquer de munitions de guerre, & que 
la poudre e'toit encore plus rare dans leur armde que parmi 
nous. Us avoient mgme tenu quelques Conseils pour lever 
le Siege. La poudre trouve"e dans le Vigilant fit bientot 
eVanouir cette idde ; nous nous apper^umes que leur feu 
avoit depuis beaucoup augments'. 


" Je s<jai que le Commandant de cet inf ortune Vaisseau 
dira, pour se Justine r, qu'il etoit important pour lui d'en- 
lever le Corsaire, afin de se regler sur les nouvelles qu'il 
en auroit appris. Mais cela ne 1'excuse point ; il sqavoit 
que Louisbourg etoit bloque, e'en etoit assez ; qu'avoit-il 
besoin d'en SQavoir davantage ? S'il craignoit que les 
Anglais u'eussent ete' maitres de la Place, il etoit aise de 
s'en instruire, en envoyant son canot ou sa chaloupe, & 
sacrifiant quelques homines pour sa surete; la batterie 
Royale ne devoit point 1'inquieter, nous en aurions agi 
comme avec le Navire Basque, dont nous facilitames 
1'entree par un feu excessif. La perte d'un secours si 
considerable ralentit le courage de ceux qui avoient le plus 
conserve de fermete; il n'etoit pas difficile de juger que 
nous serious contraints d'implorer la clemence des Anglais, 
& plusieurs personnes furent d'avis qu'il falloit des-lors de- 
mander a capituler. Nous avons cependant tenu un mois 
au-dela ; c'est plus qu'on n'auroit pu exiger dans 1'abbate- 
ment ou venoit de nous jetter un si triste spectacle. 

" L'Ennemi s'occupa a nous canoner & a nous bombarder 
toute le reste du mois, sans faire des progres bien sensibles, 
& qui lui pussent donner de 1'espoir. Gomme il ne nous 
attaquoit point dans les formes ; qu'il n'avoit pratique* 
aucuns retranchemens pour se couvrir, il n'osoit s'aproclier 
de trop pres ; tous nos coups portoient ; au lieu que la 
plupart des siens e'toient perdus : aussi ne tirons-nous que 
lorsque nous le jugions necessaire. II tiroit, lui, plus de 
cinq a six cens coups de canon par jour, contre nous vingt ; 
a la verite, le peu de poudre que nous avions, obligeoit a 
n'en user que sobrement. La mousqueterie etoit peu 

" J'ai oublie de dire que, des les premiers jours du siege, 
les ennemis nous avoient fait sommer de nous rendre ; inais 
nous repondimes selon ce que le devoir nous prescrivoit; 
1'Officier, depute pour nous en faire la proposition, voyant 
que nous rejettions ses offres, proposa de faire sortir les 
Dames, avec assurance qu'elles ne seroient point insultees, 
et qu'on les feroit garder dans les maisons qui subsistoient 
encore en petit nombre ; car 1'ennemi, en debarquant, avoit 


presque tout brule on detruit dans la carapagne. Nous re- 
merQiames cet officier, parceque nos famines & nos enfans 
etoient surement dans les logemens que nous leur avions 
faits. On avoit mis sur les casemates de longues pieces de 
bois, placees en biais, qui, en amortissant le coup de la 
bombe, la rejettent, & empechent 1'effet de son poids. C'est 
Ik dessous que nous les avions enterres. 

"Au commencement de Juin les Assiegeajis parurent re- 
prendre une nouvelle vigueur ; n'etaiit pas contens du peu 
de succes qu'ils avoient eu jusques-la, ils s'attacherent a 
d'autres entreprises, & voulurent essayer de nous attaquer 
par le cote de la mer. Pour reussir, ils tenterent de nous 
surprendre la batterie de 1' entree : un Detachement d'envi- 
ron cinq cens homines s'y etant transporte pendant la nuit 
du six au sept, fut taille en pieces par le sieur Daillebout, 
Capitaine de Compagnie, qui y coinmandoit, & qui tira sur 
eux a rnitraille ; plus de trois cens resterent sur la place, & 
il n'y eut de sauves que ceux qui demandoient quartier, les 
blesses furent transferes dans nos hopitaux. Nous fimes 
en cette occasion cent dix-neuf prisonniers, & n'eumes que 
trois homines de tues ou blesses; mais nous perdimes un 
Canon ier, qui fut fort regrette. . . . 

" Pour sur croit d'infortune, il arrive aux Anglois le 15 
une Escadre de six Vaisseaux de guerre, venant de Londres. 
Ces Vaisseaux croiserent devant la Ville, avec les Fregattes 
sans tirer un seul coup. Mais nous avons SQU clepuis que, si 
nous eussions tarder a capituler, tous les Vaisseaux se se- 
roient embosses, et nous auroient fait essuyer le feu le plus 
vif. Leurs dispositions n'ont point et^ ignoree, je rappor- 
terai 1'ordre qu'ils devoient tenir. 

" Les ennemis ne s'etoient encore point avises de tirer a 
boulets rouges ; ils le firent le dix-huit & le dix-neuf, avec un 
succes qui auroit ete* plus grand, sans le prompt secours qui 
y fut apporte". Le feu prit a trois ou quatre maisons, mais 
on Peut bientot eteint. La promptitude en ces sortes d'oc- 
casions, est la seul ressource que 1'on puisse avoir. 

"L'Arrive'e de 1'Escadre ^toit, sans doute, 1'objet de ce 
nouveau salut de la part de I'Arme'e de terre ; son General 
qui vouloit avoir 1'honneur de notre conquete, etaut bien 


Else* de nous forcer a nous souraettre 'avant que 1'Escadre 
se fut mise en devoir de nous y contraindre. 

" L'Amiral de son cote songeoit a se procurer 1'honneur 
de nous reduire. Un Officier vint pour cet effet, le vingt-un, 
nous proposer de sa part, que si nous avions a nous rendre, il 
seroit plus convenable de le faire a lui, qui auroit des egards 
que nous ne trouverions peut etre pas dans le Commandant 
de terre. Tout cela marquoit peu d'intelligence entre les 
deux Generaux, & verifie asses la reuiarque que j'ai ci-devant 
faite : on -n'eut janiais dit en effet que ces troupes fussent 
de la meme Nation & sous 1'obeissance du meiue Prince. 
Les Anglais sont les seuls peuples capables de ces bizarre- 
ries, qui font cependant partie 'de cette precieuse liberte 
dont ils se montrent si jaloux. 

" Nous repondimes a 1'Officier, par qui 1'Amiral Warren 
nous avoit fait donner cet avis, que nous n'avions point de 
reponse a lui faire, & que quand nous en serious a cette ex- 
tremite, nous verrions le parti qu'il conviendroit d'embras- 
ser. Cette fanfaronade eut fait rire quiconque auroit ete 
temoin de notre embarras en particulier ; il ne pouvoit etre 
plus grand: cet Officier dut s'en appergevoir, malgre* la 
bonne contenance que nous affections. II est difficile que 
le visage ne decele les mouvements du coeur. Les Conseils 
dtoient plus frequens que jamais, mais non plus salutaires ; 
on s'assembloit sans trop sqavoir pourquoi, aussi ne SQavoit- 
on que resoudre. J'ai souvent ri de ces assemblies, ou il 
ne se passoit rien que de ridicule, & qui n'annonqat le trou- 
ble & 1'indecision. Le soin de notre defense n'etoit plus ce 
qui occupoit. Si les Anglois eussent SQU profiter de notre 
epouvante il y auroit eu longtems qu'ils nous auroient em- 
portes, 1'epee en main. Mais il faut convenir a leur lou- 
ange, qu'ils avoient autant de peur que nous. Cela m'a 
plusieurs fois rappelle la fable du Lievre & des Grenouilles. 

"Le but de nos frequens Conseils etoit de dresser des 
articles de capitulation. On y employa jusqu'au vingt sept, 
que le sieur Lopinot, Officier, sortit pour les porter au Com- 
mandant de terre. L'on se flatoit de les lui faire mieux gou- 
ter qu'a 1'Amiral. Mais ils etoient si extraordinaires, que 
malgre 1'envie que ce General avoit de nous voir rendre & 


lui, il se donna a peine la patience de les eeouter. Je me 
souviens que nous demandions par un article, cinq pieces 
de canon, & deux mortiers de fonte. De pareilles proposi- 
tions ne quadroient gueres avec notre situation. 

" Afin de reussir d'un cote ou d'autre, on envoya proposer 
les memes conditions a 1'Amiral. Cette negotiation avoit 
ete confiee au sieur Bonaventure, Capitaine de Compagnie, 
qui s'intrigua beaucoup aupres de M. Warren, & qui, quoique 
la plupart de nos articles fussent rejettez, en obtint pour- 
tant d'asses honorables. On arrta done la Capitulation 
telle que les nouvelles publiques 1'ont raportee. Elle nous 
f ut annoncee par deux coups de canon tires a bord de 1'Ami- 
ral, ainsi qu'on en avoit donne 1'ordre au Sieur Bonaventure. 
A cette nouvelle, nous reprimes un peu de tranquillite ; car 
nous avions sujet d'apprehender le sort le plus triste. Nous 
craignons a tout moment, que les ennemis, sortant de leur 
aveuglement, ne se presentassent pour nous enlever d'assaut. 
Tout les y convioit ; il y avoit deux breches de la longueur 
d'environ cinquante pieds chacune, 1'une a la porte Dau- 
phine, & 1'autre a 1'Eperon, qui est vis-a-vis. Us nous ont 
dit depuis que la resolution en avoit ete prise, & 1'execution 
renvoyee au lendemain. Les Navires devoient les favoriser, 
& s'embosser de la maniere suivante. 

"Quatre Vaisseaux & quatre Fre'gattes e'toient destines 
pour le bastion Dauphin : un egal noinbre de Vaisseaux & 
de Fregattes, parmi lesquels etoit le Vigilant, devoit at- 
taquer la piece de la Grave : & trois autres Vaisseaux & 
autant de Fregattes avoient ordre de s'attacher a 1'Isle de 
1'entree. Nous n'eussions jamais pu repondre au feu de 
tous ces Vaisseaux & de'fendre en meme terns nos brgches ; 
de faqon qu'il auroit fallu succomber, quelques efforts que 
nous eussions pu faire, & nous voir reduits a recourir a 
la clemence d'un vainqueur, de la gene'rosite' duquel il y 
avoit a se de'fier. L'Armee de terre n'e'toit composde que 
de gens ramasse's, sans subordination ni discipline, qui 
nous auroit fait e'prouver tout ce que 1'insolence & la rage 
ont de plus furieux. La capitulation n'a point empeche' 
qu'ils ne nous ayent bien fait du mal. 

" C'est done par une protection visible de la Providence, 


que nous avons prevenu une journe'e qui nous auroit ete si 
fuueste. Ce qui nous y a le plus determine, est le peu de 
poudre qui nous restoit : je puis assurer que nous n'en avi- 
ons pas pour faire trois decharges. C'est ici le point cri- 
tique & sur lequel on cherche le plus a en imposer au public 
mal instruit : on voudroit lui persuader qu'il nous en restoit 
encore vingt milliers. Faussete insigne ! Je n'ai aucune 
interet a deguiser la verite; on doit d'autant plus m'en 
croire, que je ne pretends pas par-la justifier entierement 
nos Officiers. S'ils n'ont pas capitule trop tot ils avoient 
comniis assez d'autres fautes, pour ne les pas laver du 
blame qu'ils out encouru. II est constant que nous n'avions 
plus que trent-sept barils de poudre, a cent livres chacun ; 
voila ce qui est veritable, & non pas tout ce qu'on raconte 
de contraire. Nous n'en trouvions meme d'abord que trente- 
cinq ; mais les qu'on fit nous en procurerent deux 
autres, caches appareniment par les Canoniers, qu'on s^ait 
tre partout accoutuines a ce larcin." 


LE 2 SEPTEMBRE, 1745. 

Archives de la Marine. 


" J'ai 1'honneur de vous rendre compte de 1'attaque et red- 
dition de Louisbourg, ainsy que vous me 1'avez ordonne par 
votre lettre du 20 de ce mois. 

"Nous eumes connaissance d'un battiment le quatorze 
mars dernier parmy les glaces qui etaient detachees du 
golfe ; ce battiment parut a 3 ou 4 lieues devant le port 
et drivait vers la partie du sud-ouest, et il nous disparut 

" Le 19 du d. nous vimes encore en dehors les glaces un 
senaux qui couroit le long de la banquise qui etait etendue 
depuis Escartary jusques au St Esprit, plusieurs chasseurs 
et soldats, hivernant dans le bois, m'informerent qu'ils avai- 
ent vu, les uns deux battiments qui avoient vire de bord a 
Menadou, et d'autres qu'ils avoient entendu du canon da 


cote du St Esprit, ce qui fit que j'ordonnai aux habitans 
des ports de 1'isle, qui etaient a portee de la ville, de se 
renger aux signaux qui leur seroient faits. 

" Je fis en outre rassembler les habitans de la ville et 
port de Louisbourg, je formai de ceux de la ville quatre 
compagnies, et je donnai ordre a ceux du port de se renger 
a la batterie Boyale, et a celle de 1'isle de 1'entree, au si- 
gnaux que je leur fit donner. 

"Le 9 avril nous aperqumes a 1'eclaircy de la brume, et 
parmi les glaces vers la Pointe Blanche, quatre battiinens, 
le premier ayant tire quelques coups de canon, 1'islot lui 
repondit d'un coup, et le battiment 1'ayant rendu sur le 
champ, cela nous confirma dans 1'idee que c'etoient des 
Francois qui cherchoient a forcer les glaces pour entrer 
dans le port. D'ailleurs ils profitoient des eclaircis pour 
s'y enfourner vers le port, et cela nous assuroit pour ainsi 
dire, que ce n'etoit pas des corsaires, mais bien des Francois. 

" Etant dans le doute si c'etoit des basttiments Franqois 
ou Anglois, j'envoyai ordre a Monsieur Benoit, officier com- 
mandant au port Toulouse, de dettacher quelqu'un de confi- 
ance a Canceau, pour apprendre s'il y avoit des basttiments, 
et si on y travailloit, ou s'il y avoit apparance de quelque 
entreprise sur 1'isle Koyale. 

" Monsieur Benoit dettacha le nomme Jacob Coste, habi- 
tant, avec un soldat de la garnison et un Sauvage, pour faire 
quelques prisonniers au dit lieu. Ces trois envoyes mirent 
pied a terre a la Grande Terre du coste de Canceau; ils 
eurent le bonheur de faire quatre prisonniers anglois ; et 
revenant avec eux, les prisonniers se rendirent maitres de 
nos trois Franc/ris, un soir qu'ils Etaient endormis, et nous 
n'avons pu apprendre aucune nouvelle ni des envoyes ni de 

"Je fus inform^, le 22, par deux hommes, venus par 
terre du port de Toulouse, qu'on entendait tirer du canon 
a Canceau, et qu'ils travailloient au re'tablissement de cette 
isle, et un troisieme arrivd le soir, m'assura avoir et^ temoin 
d'un grand combat sur le navire St-Esprit, qu'il avoit vu 
venir du large trois vaisseaux sur quatre qui etoient pour 
lors a cette coste, et que le feu ayant commence' apres 


la Jonction de ces bastimens, il avoit dure bien avant dans 
la nuit, ce qui nous engageoit a nous flatter que nous avions 
des vaisseaux sur la coste. 

" Le 30 du d. nous vimes sept vaisseaux parmy les glaces, 
dont il y avoit quatre vaisseaux, deux corvettes et un bri- 
gantin, et ils se sont tenus ce jour vers les isles a Dion, 
sans pavilion, ni flamme. 

"Ces battiments continuerent a se faire voir pendant 
quelques jours, depuis la Pointe Blanche jusques a Port 
de Noue, sous pavilion blanc, et les glaces s'etant ecartees 
de la coste, nous apperqumes, le 7 niai, un navire qui faisait 
route pour le port ; il y entra heureusement ; ce navire ve- 
noit de St Jean de Luz, command^ par le Sieur Janson 
Dufoure ; il nous apprit qu'il avoit ete poursuivi la veille 
par trois vaisseaux, qu'une fre'gatte de 24 canons 1'avoit 
joint, et qu'il s'estoit sauve", apres un combat de trois 
voices de canon et de inousquetterie. 

"Le 8 a la pointe du jour, nous eumes connaissance de 
tous les vaisseaux au vent du port dans la partie du sud- 
ouest, ce qui nous occasionna une alerte, les signaux ayant 
e'te faits, les habitans de Lorembec et de la Baleine, qui 
e*toient les plus proches de la ville, s'y rangerent aux postes 
qui leur etoient destines, ainsi que les habitans de la ville 
et du port , le meme jour ces vaisseaux prirent a notre vue 
deux caboteurs frettes par le Koy et qui venoient du port 
de Toulouse charge's de bois de corde pour le chauffage des 
troupes et des corps de garde, ils prirent aussy une cha- 
loupe qui venoit des Isles Madame chargee de gibier. 

" Comme nous doutions toujours si ces vaisseaux etoient 
anglois ou franqois jusqu'a ce jour, les glaces empe'chant 
1'entree du port depuis qu'ils avoient paru ensemble, j'avois 
eu la precaution d'arrgter, conjointement avec monsieur Bi- 
got, deux battiments pour les faire partir en cas de ne'ces- 
site pour la France, pour porter les nouvelles a Sa Grandeur 
de la situation ou se trouvoit la colonie, et sitot que nous 
fumes confirmes par le prise de ces caboteurs que c'etoit des 
vaisseaux anglois et qu'il y en avoit d'autres a Canceau, au 
rapport des equipages qui s'etoient sauve's, nous fimes par- 
tir a la faveur de la brume et de la nuit obscure du 10 mai, 


La Societe, capitaine Subtil, avec nos lettres pour Monsei- 
gneur, pour lui apprendre 1'etat de la colonie avec les circon- 
stances de vaisseaux qui bloquerent le port ; quand a 1' autre 
batiment qui avoit ete frette, nous avons ete oblige* de la 
faire couler, apres la descente faite par 1'ennemy, etant im- 
possible de la faire sortir. 

" Les vaisseaux ennemis qui etoient au devant du port, se 
servant de la chaloupe qu'ils avoient prise chargee de gibier 
pour descendre et mettre pied a terre a Gabarrus, a notre 
vue, je fis partir, le 9, un detachement de 20 soldats sous le 
commandement du sieur de Lavalliere pour aller par terre 
a Gabarrus, et un autre de 39 homraes d'habitans, sous le 
commandement du sieur Daccarrette dans un charroye pour 
s'emparer de cette chaloupe, mais ces deux detachements ne 
purent joindre cette chaloupe ; celui de terre y resta deux 
jours et ne rentra en ville que le onze du soir, et celui du 
sieur Daccarrette rentra le 12 au matin, ay ant e'te oblige" 
d'abandonner le charroye a fourche' ou il avoit ete a la 
sortie de Gabarrus. 

" Le 11, a trois ou quatre heures du matin, nous eumes 
connoissance de dessus les remparts de la ville, d'environ 
100 voiles qui parurent du cote de fourche, derriere les 
isles a Dion, les vents etant de la partie de nord-ouest, 
ces battiments s'approchoient a vue d'ceil, je ne doute pas 
que ce ne fussent des bastiments de transport, je fis tirer 
les signaux qui avoient e'te' ordonnes, plusieurs habitans et 
particuliers n'ont pu s'y rendre, et entr'autres ceux des 
havres eloignes, la campagne e*tant investie de 1'ennemy, 
et mme plusieurs ont e'te' faits prisonniers voulant se 
rendre en ville. 

" Je fis aussy commander un detachement pour s'opposer 
a la descente de 1'ennemy, et ce detachement au nombre de 
80 hommes et 30 soldats, le surplus habitans, partit sous 
le commandement de Monsieur Morpain et du Sieur Mesi- 
lac, il se transporta au-dessous de la Pointe Blanche, & 
1'endroit ou 1'ennemy avoit commence' a faire sa descente, 
il le fit rembarquer dans les voitures, mais pendant le 
temps qu'il e'toit en cet endroit a repousser 1'ennemy, celui- 
cy fit faire une autre descente plus considerable de troupes 


de debarquement & 1'anse de la Cormorandiere, entre la 
Pointe-Plate et Gabarrus. 

"II s'y transporta avec ses troupes, sitot qu'il en eut 
connoissance, inais 1'ennemy avoit mis pied a terre et s'etoit 
einpare des lieux les plus propres qu'il jugea pour sa defense, 
cela n'empe'cha pas ce detachement d'aller 1'attaquer, raais 
1'ennemy etant beaucoup plus superieur en nombre, il fut 
contraint de se retirer dans le bois ; nous avons eu a cette 
occasion 4 ou 5 soldats tues ou faits prisonuiers, ainsy que 
4 ou 5 habitans ou particuliers du nombre desquels fut 
Monsieur Laboularderie ; nous eumes encore 3 ou 4 blesses 
qui rentrerent en ville. 

" Depuis la retraite de ce detachement 1'ennemy acheva 
son debarquement au nombre de 4 a 500 hommes, ainsy que> 
des planches et autres materiaux, au rapport de ceux du 
detachement qui rentrerent les derniers en ville. 

"L'ennemy ayant avance' dans la campagne, se fit voir 
en grand nombre, mais sans ordre, a la portee du canon de 
la pointe Dauphine et du bastion du Roy. 

"Les montagnes qui commandent cette porte dtoient 
couvertes de monde : a deux heures apres-midi les canons, 
qui etoient sur la Barbette, tirerent sur plusieurs pelotons 
qui paroissoient defiler du cote du fond de la baye, nous 
nous aperqumes aussy qu'ils defiloient en quantite le long 
diT bois vers la batterie royale, je fis fermer les portes et je 
fis pourvoir sur le champ a la surete' de la ville et placer 
environ 1100 hommes qui s'y sont trouve's pour la defendre. 

" Sur le soir, monsieur Thiery, capitaine de compagnie 
qui commandoit a la batterie royale, m'ecrivit une lettre 
par laquelle il me marquoit le mauvois ^tat de son poste, 
que cela pourroit donner de grande facilites a 1'ennemy s'il 
s'en emparoit, qu'il croyoit pour le bien du service qu'il 
seroit a propos de travailler a le faire sauter apres avoir 
enclou^ les canons. 

"Je fis a cette occasion assembler le conseil de guerre, 
monsieur Verrier, ingenieur en chef, ayant aussi ete appele", 
fit son rapport que cette batterie avoit ses e"paulements du 
coste de la terre demolis des 1'annee derniere, que les 
chemins couverts n'etoient pas palissades, et qu'il 


hors d'etat de resister a une attaque par terre de trois 
a quatre mille houime avec 400 hommes qu'il y avoit dedans 
pour la defense, 

" Sur ce rapport le conseil de guerre decida unanimement 
qu'il convenoit pour la surete de la ville, manquant de monde 
pour la defendre, de 1'abandonner apres en avoir encloue 
les canons et enleve le plus de munitions de guerre et de 
bouche qu'on pourroit. 

" Je ne dois pas oublier de vous informer que le me"me 
conseil de guerre vouloit f aire sauter cette batterie ; mais 
que monsieur Verrier, s'y etant oppose forternent, on la 
laissa subsister. 

"J'envoyai 1'ordre en consequence a monsieur Thiery 
pour abandonner la dite batterie, apres qu'il auroit encloue 
les canons, et enleve le plus de munitions de guerre et de 
bouche qu'il pourroit; cet officier travailla le soir a faire 
enclouer tous les canons ; il fit transporter partie des vivres 
et des munitions et se retira a la ville avec sa troupe vers 

"La dite batterie n'ayant pas e'te' entie*rernent e'vacue'e 
ce soir, je fis partir le lendemain les Sieurs St. Etienne, 
lieutenant, et Souvigny, enseigne, avec une vingtaine 
d'hommes pour parachever la dite Evacuation, ce qu'ils 
firent a 1'exception de tous les boulets de canon et bombes 
qui y sont rested, n'ayant pas pu les emporter. 

"Ayant juge necessaire conjointement avec monsieur 
Bigot de faire couler tous les bastiments qui e'toient armes 
dans le port, pour empecher 1'ennemy de s'en emparer, je 
commandai, le 12, le sieur Verger, enseigne, avec 5 soldats 
et des matelots pour faire couler ceux qui etoient vis-a-vis 
la ville, et le sieur Bellemont, enseigne, avec la meme 
operation au fond de la baye, et retirer 1'huile de la tour 
de la lanterne, ce qu'ils exEcuterent. 

"Le 13, je fis sortir toutes les compagnies de milice avec 
des baches et des engins pour dEmolir les maisons qui 
Etoient a la porte Dauphine jusqu'au Barruchois, et pour 
enlever le bois en ville pour le chauffage de la garnison, 
n'en ay ant pas, et pour faire bruler toutes celles qu'on ne 
pourroit pas deinolir, afin d'empScher 1'ennemy de s'y 


" Je fis sontenir ces travailleurs par 80 soldats Francois 
et Suisses commande par monsieur Deganne, capitaine, et 
Rasser, officier Suisse. 

" Comme ils fiuissaient et qu'ils etoient au moment de se 
retirer en ville, il parut au Barruchois et dans les vallons 
des hauteurs plusieurs pelotons de Parmee ennemie, il y eut 
meme quelques coups de fusils de tires par ceux qui etoient 
les plus pres ; nous n'eumes personne de tue ni de blesse, 
et nos gens virent toniber deux hommes de 1'ennemy. 

"L'ennemy s'est empare de la batterie Royale, le 13, et 
le lendemain il tira sur la ville plusieurs coups de canon 
de deux qu'il avoit desencloue*. 

"Le meme jour 1'ennemy commenc,a aussi a nous tirer 
plusieurs bombes de 12 pouches, pesant 180 1. et de 9 pouces 
d'une batterie de quatre mortiers qu'il avoient estably sur 
la hauteur derriere les plaines, vis-a-vis le bastion du Roy. 

" Cette batterie de mortiers n'a pas cesse de tirer de dis- 
tance en distance, ainsi que douze mortiers a grenades 
royales que 1'ennemy y avoit places, et deux autres canons 
qu'ils ont de'sencloues a la batterie royale, mais ce feui 
n'a fait aucun progres jusqu'au 18, et n'a tue ni blesse* 

" Le 16, je fis partir un expres en chaloupe pour porter 
une lettre a monsieur Marin, officier de Canada, qui com- 
mandoit un detachement de Canadiens et des Sauvages. 
a 1'Acadie, avec ordre de partir pour se rendre en toute^ 
diligence a Louisbourg, avec son detachement ; c'etoit une- 
course de 20 a 25 jours au plus, s'il avoit ete aux mines, ainsii 
que 1'on m' avoit assure; mais ce detachement etoit parti 
pour le port Royal lorsque 1'expres y arriva. 

" Get expres fut oblige d'y aller : il lui remit la lettre- 
dont il etoit charge, il tint conseil, plusieurs de son party 
ne voulurent pas le suivre, mais lui s'e'tant mis en chenim- 
avec ceux de bonne volonte qui voulurent le suivre, il eufc 
toutes les peines imaginables, a ce qu'on m'a assure, de 
trouver des voitures dans toute 1'Acadie, propres pour soni 

"Ils s'y embarquerent environ 3 a 400 dans un bateau' 
de 25 tonneaux et dans environ une centaine de canotsi. 

VOL. II. 20 


Comme ils etoient dans la bale a doubler une pointe, ils 
furent attaques par un bateau corsaire de 14 canons et 
autant de pierriers ; cet officier soutint 1'attaque avec 
vigueur, et dans le terups qu'il etoit au moment d'aborder 
le corsaire pour 1'enlever, un autre corsaire de la mgme 
force vint au secours de son camarade, ce qui obligea le dit 
Sieur Mariii d'abandonner la partie et de faire cote. 

" Cette rencontre lui a fait perdre plusieurs jours et il n'a 
pu se rendre sur les terres de 1'Isle Royale qu'au commence- 
ment de juillet, apres que Louisbourg a e'te rendu; si ce 
detachement s'etoit rendu quinze ou vingt jours avant la 
reddition de la ville, je suis plus que persuade que i'ennemy 
auroit e'te contraint de lever le siege de terre, par la terreur 
qu'il avoit de ce detachement qu'il pensoit etre au nombre 
de plus de 2500. 

" Je dois aussi informer Sa Grandeur que ce detachement 
a tu et pris, comme il se retiroit du passage de Fronsac, 
pour aller a 1'Acadie, apres notre depart, treize hommes 
d'un corsaire anglois qui etoit a leur passage pour les em- 
pcher de passer, ces hommes ayant etc" avec leurs canots 
pour faire de 1'eau, ils soiit tombe's entre les mains de ceux 
de ce de'tachement. 

" Le 18, messieurs les gtmeraux anglois me sommerent de 
rendre la ville, forteresses et terres en dependant, avec 1'ar- 
tillerie, les armes et les munitions de guerre qui en depen- 
dent sous 1'obeMssance de la Grande Bretagne, en consequence 
de quoy, promettoient de traiter humainement tons les su- 
jets du Roy mon maitre qui y e'toient dedans, que leurs 
biens leur seroient assures, et qu'ils auraient la libert^ de se . 
transporter avec leurs effets dans quelque partie de la 
domination du Boy de France, en Europe, qu'ils jugeroit 
a propos. 

" Je r^pondis sur le champ a cette sommation que le Roy 
mon maitre m'ayant confie' la defense de la place, je ne 
pouvois qu'apres la plus rigoureuse attaque e'couter une 
semblable proposition, et que je n'avois d'autre r^ponse a 
faire a cette demande que par les bouches des canons. 

"L'ennemy commenqa a e'tablir, le 19, une batterie de 
sept pieces de canon dans les plaines et derriere un petit 


e*tang, vis-a-vis la face du bastion du Roy, laquelle batterie 
n'a pas cesse de tirer des boulets de 12, 18 et 24 depuis ce 
jour jusqu'a la reddition de la place, sur le casernes, le mur 
du bastion du Roy et sur la ville ; cette batterie etoit, Mon- 
seigneur, la plus dangereuse de 1'ennemy pour detruire le 
monde ; tons les boulets enfiloient toutes les rues jusqu'a 
la porte Maurepas et au mur crenele" ; personne ne pouvoit 
rester dans la ville, soit dans les maisons ou dans les rues. 

"Aussy pour eteindre le feu de 1'ennemy, je fis etablir 
deux pieces de canon de 18 sur le cavalier du dit Bastion 
du Roy : on fit pour cet effet deux coffres en planches qu'on 
remplit de fascines et de terres qui formoient deux embra- 
sures par le moyen desquelles les canonniers et ceux qui 
servirent ces canons etoient a 1'abry du feu de 1'ennemy. 

" Je fis aussy percer en mme temps deux embrasures au 
mur du parapet de la face droite du dit bastion ; on y mit 
deux autre canons de 24. 

"Ces quatre canons ont etc* si bien servis que le feu de 
1'enneray de la dite batterie de la plaine a ete eteint, puis- 
qu'ils ne tiroient lors de la reddition de la place qu'un 
canon, et qu'ils ont eu les autres demontes a la dite bat- 
terie, ainsy que ceux de nos gens qui ont ete voir cette 
batterie, apres la reddition de la place, m'en ont rendu 

" Le matin du 20, je fis assembler messieurs les capitaines 
des compagnies pour prendre un party s'il convenoit de 
faire des sorties sur 1'ennemy. II fut resolu que la ville 
etoit entierement denuee de monde, qu'il etoit prejudiciable 
d'en faire, qu'a peine on pourroit garder les remparts avec 
les 1300 hommes qu'il y avoit dans la ville y compris les 
deux cent de la batterie royale. 

" Je fis masquer la porte Dauphine en pierre de taille, 
fascines et terre de 1'epaisseur d'environ dix-huit pieds, 
ainsi que les deux corps de garde qui sont joints. Sans cet 
ouvrage 1'ennemy auroit pu entrer en ville des le lendemain 
qu'il auroit tire' de la batterie de Francoeur; cette porte 
n'etoit pas plus forte que celle d'une porte cochere, les murs 
de la dite porte et des corps de garde n'avoient que trois 
pieds ou environ d'epaisseur. La dite porte n'etoit pas non 


plus flanque'e et n'avoit pour toute defense que quelques 
creneaux aux corps de garde, desquels on ne pouvoit plus 
se servir sitot qu'on etoit oblige de garnir les dits corps de 
garde de pierres, de terre. 

" J'ordonnai qu'on fit des embrasures de gazon et de terre, 
n'ayant pas le temps d'en faire de pierre, aux quatre canons 
qui etoient sur la batterie du bastion Dauphin, sur le corps 
de garde des soldats, joignant la porte du dit bastion, afin 
d'empecher Pennemy en ses trava,ux sur les hauteurs qui 
etoient devant la dite porte ; lesquelles embrasures furent 

"Tous les flancs des bastions de la ville furent aussy 
garnis des canons des corsaires et autres qui se sont trouves 
en ville. 

" L'ennemy ayant calfeutre une goelette qui e"toit echouee 
au fond de la baye depuis 1'annee derniere, il 1'a remplit de 
bois, goudron et autres matieres combustibles, et a la faveur 
d'une nuit obscure et d'un vent frais du nord-nord-est qu'il 
fit le 24, il nous 1'envoya en brulot sur la ville. 

" Tout le monde passoit toutes les nuits sur les remparts, 
nous attendions de pied ferme 1'ennemy, plustot que des 
artifices de cette nature, et ce brulot ayant etc* s'echouer au 
dehors de la ville vis-a-vis du terrain du S r Ste Marie ne fit 
pas 1'effet que 1'ennemy s'attendoit. 

"L'ennemy s'etant empare de la hauteur de Francoeur 
qui est a la queue du glacis de la porte Dauphine, il a 
commence a ouvrir des boyaux et former deux batteries 
malgre' le feu continuel de nos canons de la barbette et du 
bastion Dauphin et du flaiic droit du bastion du Roy et de 
la mousqueterie, et ces deux batteries n'ont point cesse* de 
tirer depuis le 29 jusqu'ala reddition de la place des boulets 
de 18, 24, 36 et 42, pour battre en breche la porte Dauphine 
et la flanc droit du bastion du Roy. 

" L'ennemy, faisant plusieurs mouvements au fond de la 
baye et a la hauteur de la Lanterne, monsieur Valid, lieu- 
tenant de la Compagnie des Canonniers, vint m'avertir que 
1'ennemy pourroit faire ces mouvements a 1'occasion de 
plusieurs canons de dix-huit et de vingt-quatre qui avoient 
6te mis au care*nage pour servir de corps de garde depuis 


environ dix ans. Que parmy ces canons il y en avoit plusi- 
eurs en etat de servir, qu'il avoit informe les Gouverneurs 
de cy-devant plusieurs fois que 1'ennemy pourroit les trans- 
porter a la tour, etablir une batterie pour battre 1'isle de 
1'entree et les vaisseaux qui voudroient entrer. 

" Sur un avis aussy important, et 1'ennemy ayant abore 
pavilion a la tour de la Lanterne, je fis faire un detachement 
de cinq cent jeunes gens du pays et autres de la milice et 
des flibustiers, sous les ordres du Sieur de Beaubassin, pour 
aller voir si cela etoit vrai, tacher de suprendre 1'ennemy 
ou empecher de faire leurs travaux en cet endroit. 

" Ce detachement partit en trois chaloupes le 27 may avec 
chacun douze jours de vivres et les munitions de guerre 
necessaires qui leur furent fournies des magasins du Hoy ; 
il mit pied a terre au grand Lorenibec. 

"Le lendemain, faisant son approche a la tour, il fut 
decouvert par 1'ennemy qui etoit au nombre d'environ 300. 

'"Us se tirerent quelques voices de mousqueterye, et se 
separerent, ce detachement ne voyant pas son avautage et 
plusieurs ayant lache le pied, il fut contraint de se retirer 
dans le bois, pour bruler s'il lui etoit possible les magasins 
qu'il y avoit, on 1'avoit assure -que cela e'toit aise, que 
1'ennemy dormoit avec securite en cet endroit. 

"Roller qui e'toit second du dit Sieur de Beaubassin, 
venant de St. Pierre par terre, quelques jours auparavant, 
avait ete dans une des barraques du dit camp et avoit em- 
porte une chaudiere sans etre decouvert, ce detachement, 
dis-je, etoit a un demi quart de lieue a 1'habitation du dit 
Koller, il avoit envoy^ des decouvreurs en attendant la 
nuit, mais ils eurent le malheur detre decouverts par une 
douzaine d'Anglois qui se trouverent aux environs, ce qui 
fit que 1'ennemy detacha un party considerable qui fut pour 
les attaquer. Le sieur de Beaubassin fut encore oblige de 
se retirer apres quelques coups tire's de part et d'autre : 
1'ennemy, depuis lors cherchoit partout ce detaohement, et 
plusieurs de ceux-ci ayant ete* obliges de jeter leurs vivres 
pour se sauver, ils etoient sans vivres pour passer leur douze 
jours, et plusieurs qui etoient des havres voisins 1'avoient 
abandonne et s'etoient retire's chez euxj il se trouvoit 


par consequent sans vivres et trop faibles pour re'sister a 

" II fut done oblige d'aller au petit Lorembec pour prendre 
des chaloupes afin de rentier dans la ville ; il se trouva en ce 
havre environ 40 Sauvages de la colonie qui avoient detruit, 
il y avoit deux ou trois jours, 18 a 20 Anglois qu'ils avoient 
trouves qui pillaient ce havre. 

"Comme ils etaient a menie d'embarquer dans les cha- 
loupes, il leur tomba un detachement de 2 a 300 Anglois. 
Les Sauvages se joignerent a ce detachement et ces deux 
corps faisaient environ 120 hommes qui tiurent pied ferme a 

" Le feu commenqa de part et d'autre vers les deux heures 
et dura pendant plus de quatre, les Anglois avoient meme 
ete repousses deux fois et ils auroient ete defaits si des 
le commencement de Faction, ceux-ci n'avoient pas envoye 
avertir de leurs gens qui etoient a la batterie royale et a la 
tour et s'il ne leur etoit pas venu a 1'entree de la nuit un 
party considerable qui commenga a vouloir 1'entourer. 

" Notre detachement voyant qu'il n'y avoit pas moyen de 
re'sister et manquant de munitions, plusieurs ay ant tire jus- 
qu'a leur dernier coup, il. se retira dans les bois, 1'ennemy, 
superieur comme il etoit, les poursuivit une partie de la 
nuit, notre detachement fut contraint de se retirer a Mire" 
et de passer la riviere. 

" Nous avons eu en cette occasion deux hommes de tues 
et environ 20 de blesse's ou prisonniers. Monsieur de Beau- 
bassin fut du nombre des blesses, il requt une balle au 
gras de la jambre et apres une heure et demie de combat, ne 
pouvant re'sister a sa blessure, il se retira. Le sieur Roller 
continua le combat jusqu'a la fin. 

" Le dit sieur de Beaubassin, s'e'tant rendu en ville quel- 
ques jours apres sixieme dans une pirogue, in'informa de ce 
qui sYtoit passe* a 1'occasion de son detachement, que le 
surplus etoit refugie a Mire* ou il 1'avait laisse* sous la con- 
duite de Roller, qu'il lui manquoit des vivres et des muni- 
tions de guerre ainsy qu'aux Sauvages. 

" Sur ce rapport je fis partir une chaloupe avec 20 quarts 
de farine et autres vivres et des munitions, tant pour ce 


detachement, celui de monsieur Marin que j'attendois tous 
les jours, que pour les Sauvages. 

"On trouva Roller avec ses gens, monsieur Marin n'y 
etoit pas et les Sauvages s'etoient retires a leur village. 

" Roller rentra en ville le 14 juin en chaloupe avec ceux 
de son detachement et les quelques autres qu'il trouva a 
Mire, il eut bien de la peine a passer la nuit parmy bati- 
ments de Pennemy qui croisoient depuis Gabarrus jusqu'a 

" Nous avons appris depuis la reddition de la place, par 
des personnes de probite, que 1'ennemy avoit eu au moins 
150 homme de tues, et 90 de blesses au choc du petit 

" Les canons de la porte Dauphin et ceux du flanc droit 
du Bastion du Roy, ne joignant pas bien la batterie que 1'en- 
nemy avoit fait sur les hauteurs de Francoeur a la porte Dau- 
phine, on perqa trois embrasures a la courtine de la grave 
pour battre a revers la batterie de 1'ennemy de la hauteur 
de Francoeur. Ces trois embrasures ou on avoit place du 
canon de 36 furent ouvertes les 30 mai, et firent un effet 
merveilleux ; le premier jour on leur demonta un de leurs 
canons, et leurs embrasures furent toutes labourees, cela 
n'empe'cha pas le feu continuel de 1'ennemy, et quant a 
la batterie ce que nous defaisions le jour, ils le refaisoit 
la nuit. 

"Le mgine jour, sur les trois heurs, nous eurnes connois- 
sance d'un gros vaisseau qui donnoit chasse a un senau et 
ensuite qui se battoit avec le dit senau et une fregatte a en- 
viron 4 lieues du fort vers le sud-est, en me*me terns trois 
vaisseaux ennemis, qui etoient en passe vers le Cap Noir et 
la pointe Blanche, courrurent dessus ; le gros vaisseau apres 
s'etre battu longtems prit la chasse sans doute quand il eut 
connoissance des trois qui courroient sur lui, et nous avons 
entendu tirer du canon j usque vers les 9 a lOheures du soir, 
nous avons appris depuis que ce vaisseau etoit le Vigilant. 

" J'ordonnai qu'on tirat de la poudriere du Bastion Dau- 
phin les poudres qui y Etoient et les fis transporter sous la 
poterne de la courtine qui est entre le Bastion du Roy et 
celui de la Reine. 


" Comme 1'ennemy avait coupe par les boulets de la bat- 
terie de Francreur, les chaines du pont levi de la porte Dau- 
phrne, j'ordonnay aussy de couper le pont de la dite porte. 

"Le canon de I'ennemy de la batterie de Francoeur qui 
battoit le flanc droit du bastion du Roy, faisant beaucoup 
de progres et entr'autres aux embrasures, je fis commencer a 
faire percer le mur de la face du bastion Dauphin de deux 
embrasures, pour y mettre deux canons, cet ouvrage malgre 
la mousqueterie que 1'enneray tiroit toujours, fut mis en 
etat et uotre canon a tire et fut servi autant qu'on pouvoit 
desirer sur celui de 1'ennemy. . 

" L'ennemy a aussi etably une batterie de cinq canons sur 
les hauteurs des Mortissans et a commence a tirer le 2 juin 
des boulets de 36 et 42, en breche sur le bastion Dauphin et 
sur 1'eperon. La gue"rite a e*te jetee a bas, et une partie 
de Tangle saillant, le mme jour. Cette batterie a deboule 
1'eperon de la porte Dauphine en ses embrasures, lesquelles 
ont ete racommodees plusieurs fois, autant bien qu'on pou- 
voit, a pierre seche, avec des pierres de taille et des sacs 
de terre. 

"Le nieme jour 1'escadre ennemye s'augmenta par 1'ar- 
rivee d'un vaisseau d'envii'on 40 a 50 canons, et nous vismes 
aussy, parmy cette escadre, un vaisseau desempare, qu'on 
nous a dit depuis e*tre celui que nous avions vu se battre 
le 30 may. 

" Le 5 I'ennemy a envoye* vers les deux heures du matin 
de la batterie royale, un brulot qui s'est echoue a la calle 
Frederic ou il a brule* sur une goelette, il n'a pas fait d'autre 
mal, quoiqu'il fut charge de matieres combustibles et de 
bombes qui firent leur effet ; toutes les batteries de I'ennemy 
ne cesserent point de tirer, pendant ce temps nos gens 
e"toient comme de coutume tout le long des remparts et du 
quay, a essuyer ce feu avec intre'pidite'. 

" La nuit du 6 au 7 nous euraes une alarme ge'ne'rale de 
1'isle de 1'entr^e ; I'ennemy, voulant enlever cette batterie, 
s'embarqua au nombre de 1000 sur 35 barques, 800 autres 
venant derriere devoient les soutenir. La nuit e"toit tres 
obscure et faisoit une petite brume. 

" Ces premiers furent mettre pied a terre, les uns a la 


Pointe a Peletier, les autres vis-a-vis le corps des casernes, 
et le surplus au debarquement de la dite isle ; 1'enuemy en 
debarquant commenqa a crier hourrah par trois fois; ils 
attacherent meme environ 12 echelles aux embrasures afin 
de les escalader, mais Monsieur D'Aillebout, qui com- 
mandoit a cette batterie, les requt a merveille ; le canon et 
la mousqueterie de ceux de 1'isle fut servi au mieux, toutes 
les barques, furent toutes brisees ou coulees a fond ; le feu 
fut continuel depuis environ minuit jusqu'a trois heures 
du matin. 

" Le dit S D'Ailleboust ainsy que les S Duchambou, son 
Lieutenant, et Eurry de la Perrelle, son enseigne, etoient 
les premiers a monter sur les embrasures et faire feu sur 
les ennemis pour montrer a leurs soldats 1'exemple, et aux 
autres qui etoient avec eux a la dite batterie. 

" Les soldats firent meme plusieurs fois descendre leurs 
officiers des embrasures, leur alleguant qu'ils ne devoient 
point ainsi s'exposer, qu'ils n'avoient qu'a les commander et 
qu'ils en viendroient a bout ; a la fin 1'ennemy fut contraint 
de demander quartier. Les huit cents qui devoient soutenir 
les premiers n'oserent pas s'approcher et s'en furent : on fit 
119 prisonniers, plusieurs blesses sont ino'rts la meme jour- 
nee, et 1'enneniy a eu plus de 250 de tues, noyes ou de 
blesses, ne s'etant sauves, au rapport de nos prisonniers 
qui Etoient a la batterie royale, que dans deux barges qui 
pouvoient contenir environ 30 hommes, parniy lesquels il 
y avoit plusieurs de blesse's. 

" L'ennemy pouvant attaquer la ville avec des barges 
par le quay, j'ordonnay une estacade de mats qui prenoit 
depuis 1'eperon du bastion Dauphin jusques a la piece de 
grave, et cette estacade a e'te paracheve'e le 11 juin. L'en- 
nemy qui s'etoit aperq.u de cet ouvrage, n'a pas cesse* de 
tirer des canons de ses batteries, sur les travaillants, mais 

"Les ennemis ayant toujours continue' leurs travaux a 
la tour de la Lanterne, malgre' le feu continuel de bombes 
et de canons de la batterie de 1'isle de L'entree, il fut 
decide* qu'il e'toit ne'cessaire de blinder les casernes et la 
boulangerie de la dite isle, et le bois manquant pour cet 


ouvrage le inagasin du Sieur Dacarrette fut demoli pour 

"Le feu continuel des batteries de 1'ennemy ayant de- 
moly les embrasures du flanc droit du bastion du Roy, ou 
nous avions six canons de dix-huit et de vingt-quatre qui 
tiroient continuelleinent, et ces canons ne pouvant pas etre 
servis, j'ordonnay qu'on fit aussy des contremerlons et des 
embrasures en bois, a quoi on y travail] a avec toute la dili- 
gence possible, et ces embrasures etant parachevees le 19 
juin, le canon tira toujours ; mais ces memes embrasures 
n'ont pas laisse d'etre demantibulees aussy par le canon 
de 1'ennemy. 

"Depuis que la batterie de martissan a ete etablie, elle 
n'a pas cesse de tirer en breche sur la porte Dauphin et 
sur 1'eperon. L'eperon a ete tout demantibule et racom- 
modee plusieurs fois, ainsy que je 1'ai dit ci-devant; les 
embrasures qui battent le long du quay ont aussy ete 
demantelees, par cette batterie et celle de Francoeur, et 
personne ne pouvoit rester derriere le mur du quay qui a 
(Ste* tout crible, les boulets de 24, 36 et 42 le percent d'outre 
en outre. 

"Le 18, messieurs les ge^neraux anglois m'envoyerent 
un officier avec pavilion, portant une lettre de monsieur 
Warren chef de 1'escadre et une autre de Monsieur de la 
Maisonfort, capitaine de vaisseau. Par la premiere ce 
ge'ne'ral se plaignait des cruautes que nos Francois et Sau- 
vages avoient exercee's sur ceux de sa nation, et que si, a 
1'avenir, pareille chose arrivoit, il ne pourroit pas em- 
pecher ses gens d'en agir de meme. 

" Monsieur de la Maisonfort m'apprenoit sa prise, le 30 
mai, et qu'il avoit tout lieu d'etre 'satisfait du traitement 
qu'on lui faisoit, ainsy qu'a ses officiers et matelots, et de 
punir severement, etc. 

" Je repondis a celle de monsieur Warren qu'il n'y avoit 
point de Francois parmy les Sauvages qui avoient use" ainsi 
qu'il disoit de cruaute', comme de fait il n'y en avoit pas, 
qu'il devoit e"tre persuade* que je neglige ray rien pour 
arr^ter le cours des cruaute's des Saxivages autant qu'il me 
seroit possible de commuuiquer avec eux, etc. 


"A celle de monsieur de la Maisonfort, que je ferai 
de'fendre aux Sauvages, lorsque je pourrai avoir communi- 
cation avec eux, d'en user mieux [sic] par la suite, qu'il n'y 
avoit auoun des Francois avec eux lorsqu'ils out use de 
cruautes, etc., et 1'offi.cier porteur de ces lettres partit sur 
le champ. 

" Le 21, la batterie que les ennemis ont etablie a la tour 
de la Lanterne de 7 canons et un mortier a commence & 
tirer sur celle de 1'isle de L'entree avec des boulets de 18 
et un mortier de 12 pouces, pesant 180 1. et le feu de la 
dite batterie n'a pas cesse de tirer jusqu'a la reddition de 
la place, malgre le feu continuel de celle de 1'isle. 

"Les batteries de 1'ennemy faisant un progres coa 
side'rable, malgre notre feu des canons du bastion du Roy, 
bastion Dauphin, de la piece de la grave, et de la mous- 
queterie a la breche de la porte Dauphine et aux corps de 
garde joignants, j'ordonnai a Monsieur Verrier, ingenieur, 
de faire un retranchement dans le bastion Dauphin pour 
defendre 1'assaut que 1'ennemy pourrait donner par la 
breche. Get ouvrage qui prenoit depuis le quay jusqu'au 
parapet de la face du bastion Dauphin, fut mis en etat 
le 24 apres bien des travaux de nuit. 

" II se fit le meme jour une jonction de 4 vaisseaux, dont 
deux de 60, un de 50 et 1'autre de 40 canons, avec ceux qui 
bloquoient le port. Ces vaisseaux sitot qu'ils eurent tire 
les signaux de reconnaissance s'assemblerent et apres s'etre 
paries, ils furent vers la baye de Gabarrus. 

" Le lendemain les vaisseaux ennemis au noinbre de 13 
mouillerent en ligne vers la Pointe Blanche a environ 2 
lieues du port de Louisbourg. L'ennemy fit faire en mehne 
temps et le lendemain trois piles de bois pour des signaux 
sur les hauteurs qui sont a 1'ouest du port de Louisbourg. 

"Je ne puis pas m'empecher d'informer Sa Grandeur 
et de lui dire avec verite' que toutes les batteries de 1'en- 
nemy soit de mortier ou de canon n'ont pas cesse de tirer 
depuis les jours qu'ils les ont etablis, de meme que la 
mousqueterie, sans discontinuer, de la batterie de Fran- 
cceur; que toutes les maisons de la ville ont toutes etc* 
e*crasees, criblees et mises hors d'etat d'etre loge'es j que 


le flanc du bastion du Koy a ete tout demoli, ainsy que 
les embrasures en bois qu'ou y avoit rernplaeees ; qu'ils 
ont fait breche a la porte Dauphine, le corps de garde 
joignant, et qu'il etoit praticable au moyen des fascines 
qu'ils avoient transporte pendant deux jours a la batterie 
de Francoeur ; que 1'eperon joignant le corps de garde de 
1'officier de la porte Dauphine etoit tout demantele, ainsi 
que les embrasures du quai, malgre le feu continuel de tons 
les canons, mortiers et mousqueterie que nous tirions de la 
ville et qui etoient servis avec toute la vigueur et 1'activite 
qu'on pouvoit esperer en pareille occasion. 

" La preuve en est assez evidente, Monseigneur, puisque 
de 67 milliers de poudre que nous avions au commencement 
du siege, il nous n'en restoit, le 27 juin, que 47 barils en ville, 
laquelle quantite m'etoit absolument necessaire pour pou- 
voir capituler; nous avons aussi tire toutes les bombes de 
12 pouces que nous aviqns et presque toutes celles de 9 

" Je dois rendre justice a tous les officiers de la garnison, 
aux soldats et aux habitans qui ont defendu la place, ils ont 
tous en general supporte la fatigue de ce siege avec une in- 
trepidite sans egale, pendant les 116 [?] jours qu'il a dure 

" Passant toutes les nuits au chemin convert de la porte 
Dauphine, depuis que 1'ennemy avoit commence a battre en 
breche cet endroit, a soutenir les travaillants qui otoient les 
de'eombres sur les remparts aux portes qui leur etoient des- 
tinies, sans se reposer aucune nuit et pour le jour n'ayant 
pas un seul endroit pour sommeiller sans courir risque d'etre 
emporte par les canons de 1'ennemy qui commandoient toute 
la ville. 

" Aussy tout le monde e"toit fatigu^ de travail et d'insom- 
nie, et de 1300 que nous e*tions au commencement du siege, 
50 ont e^e" tu^s, 95 blesses hors d'etat de rendre service, 
plusieurs dtoient tombes malades par la fatigue, aussy les 
remparts qui n'e'toient au commencement du siege garnis 
que de 5 a 5 pieds, se trouvoient presque tous de'garnis le 
26 de juin lorsque les habitans de la ville me presentment 
leur requite tendant a ce que les forces de 1'ennemy soit de 
terre et de mer, augmentant tous les jours, sans qu'ils nou3 


parvint aucun secours ni apparence d'en avoir d'assez fort 
pour forcer Pennemy, il me plut capituler avec les ge^neraux 
afin de leur con server le peu qu'il leur restoit. 

"Cette requite, Monseigneur, me toucha jusqu'au plus 
vif de mon ame. D'un cote je voyois une place telle que 
Louisbourg et qui a coute bien des sommes au Roi, au mo- 
ment d'e"tre enlevee par la force de Pennemy qui avoit une 
breche assez practicable pour cela et des vaisseaux en ligne 
qui s'installoient depuis deux jours. 

" D'autre cote, il me paroissoit un nombre d'habitans, tous 
charges de families, au moment de pe'rir, perdre par conse- 
quent le fruit de leurs travaux depuis le commencement de 
Petablissement de la colonie. 

" Dans une conjoncture aussy delicate, je fis rendre compte 
a monsieur Verrier, ingenieur en chef, de Petat des forti- 
fications de la Place, et a monsieur de Ste Marie, capitaine 
charge de Partillerie, de celui des munitions de guerre; 
Pun et Pautre me firent leur rapport, je fis tenir conseil de 
guerre qui decida unanimement que vu les forces de Pen- 
nemy et Petat de la Place il convenoit de capituler. 

" J'e'crivis uiie lettre a le sortie du Conseil a messieurs 
les generaux anglois, je leur demanday une suspension 
d'armes, pour le temps qu'il me seroit convenable pour 
leur faire des articles de capitulation aux conditions des- 
quelles je leur remettrois la Place. 

" Monsieur de Laperelle, fils, qui e"toit porteur de cette 
lettre, me rapporta le inline soir leur reponse par laquelle 
ils me donnoient le temps jusques au lendemain a huit 
heures du matin, et que si pendant ce temps, je me de- 
terminois a me rendre prisonnier de guerre, je pouvois 
compter que je serois traite" avec toute la ge'nerosite' 

" Je ne m'attendois pas a une telle re'ponse, aussy le len- 
demain 27, je leur envoyai par Monsieur de Bonnaveuture 
les articles de capitulation avec une seconde lettre, par la- 
quelle je leur mandai que les conditions faites la veille 
e*toient trop dures, que je ne pouvois les accepter et que 
c'e"toit a ceux que je faisois par mes propositions que je 
consentirois a leur remettre la place [sic]. 


" Messieurs les generaux ne voulurent pas repondre par 
apostille a ces propositions, mais ils me renvoyerent leur 
reponse separee par le dit Sieur de Bonnaventure ; cette 
reponse m'accordoit partie des articles que j'avois deman- 
des, mais ceux qui m'etoient le plus sensible et glorieux, 
qui etoient ceux de sortir de la Place, avec les honneurs 
de la guerre, avec arme et bagage, tambour battant et dra- 
peaux deployes, ne s'y trouvoient pas inseres, aussy je leur 
ecrivis sur le champ deux lettres, 1'une au chef d'escadre 
et 1'autre au general de terre, que je ne pouvois consentir 
a laisser sortir les troupes de la place sans ces articles qui 
etoient des honneurs dus a des troupes qui avoient fait leur 
devoir, que cela accorde je consentois aux articles. 

"Messieurs les generaux m'ecrivirent en reponse qu'ils 
accordoient cet article et monsieur Warren augmenta des 
conditions pour la reddition de 1'Isle et de la Place. 

" Les ratifications ont ete signees de part et d'autre, mais 
messieurs les generaux Anglois bien loin d'avoir execute de 
leur part la dite capitulation, ainsy que j'ai fait du mien en 
tout son contenu, ils ont manque en plusieurs articles. 

" Au premier article il est dit que tous les effets mobiliera 
de tous les sujets du Roy de France qui etoient dans Louis- 
bourg leur seroient laisse's et qu'ils auroient la liberte* de 
les emporter avec eux dans tels ports d'Europe de la domi- 
nation de leur Roy qu'ils jugeront a propos. 

" Tous les battiments qui etoient dans le port appartenant 
aux particuliers, faisaient partie de leurs effets rnobiliers, 
cependant les Anglois s'en sont empare's et les ont garde 
pour eux. 

" Tous les particuliers ge'ne'ralement quelconques qui ont 
pass en France n'ont pu emporter aucune armoire, chaise, 
fauteuil, table, bureau, chenets et autres meubles de cette 
nature, ny me"me aucune grosse marchandise, messieurs les 
ge'ne'raux n'ayant point fourni des battiments pour cela n4- 
cessaires, ils n'ont pas e't^ pille*s, mais a bien examiner la 
chose, ne pouvant pas emporter le peu de meubles qu'ils 
avoient faute de battiments, ils ont e*te obliges de les lais- 
ser, ce qu'ils ont laiss^ a Louisbourg est tout conime si on 
leur avait pille", a moins que Sa Grandeur ne fasse faire 
raison par la cour d'Angleterre. 


" Us ont encore manque* a cet article, pendant le temps 
que j'etois a la colonie ; ils ont fait partir a mon insu 436 
matelots et particuliers pour Baston ; ils etoient einbarque's 
ainsi que les troupes sur des vaisseaux de guerre jusqu'a 
leur embarquement pour la France, mais un matin le vais- 
seau dans lequel ils etoient eut ordre de partir pour Baston, 
et fit voile. 

"J'en fus informe, j'en portai ma plainte, mais cela 
n'aboutit a autre chose sinon qu'ils n'avoient pu faire au- 
trement faute de vivres et de battiment et qu'on les feroit 
repasser de Baston en France. 

" Ces matelots n'ont pas ete les seuls, j'ai ete inform^ que 
depuis mon depart, ils ont agi de meme a 1'egard des fa- 
milies qui n'avoient pu gtre placees sur les batiments de 
transport qu'ils avoient destine pour la France, si les gene- 
raux anglois avoient voulu, les batiments qui ont transport^ 
ces families a Boston les auroient transporters pour France, 
ils avoient des vivres en magazin beaucoup plus que pour 
la traversee ; mais ils n'ont agi ainsi qu'afin de disperse! 1 
la colonie. 

" Le 2 e article regarde les battiments qui etoient dans le 
port et ceux qu'ils devoient fournir en cas que les premiers 
ne fussent pas suffisants pour faire le transport. 

" J'aj fait mes remarques a ceci au precedent article, c'est 
un des plus considerables par rapport a la valeur des choses, 
y ayant quantite de battiments dans le port qui ^toient 
coules ou echoue's,. et dont 1'ennemy ne pouvoit en faire 
sortir aucun du port ny faire aucun usage tant que nos 
batteries auroient existe*. 

" Au surplus si plusieurs particuliers de la ville n'avoient 
pas achete des battiments les Anglois auroient profits' de 
tous les effets qu'ils y ont charge's, ainsi qu'ils ont fait de 
ceux qui n'avoient pas le moyen d'en acheter, ces families 
auroient e'te' contraintes, ainsi que celles qui se sont em- 
barque*es en payant de gros frets, de passer a Boston. 

" A 1'egard du dernier article des armes, tous les habitans 
avoient les leurs et les ont remises en ddpot sitot la reddi- 
tion de la place ; ces armes e^toient parti e de leurs effets, les 
ennemis n'ont pas voulu les rendre, je m'en suis plaint, ils 


m'ont fait reponse, lorsqu'ils ont envoye les 436 matelots, 
qu'ils leur enverroient leurs armes, les autres habitans sont 
dans le meme cas. 

" Je crois devoir vous informer, Monseigneur, qu'ils se 
sont aussy empares de tons les effets et ustensils de 1'hopi- 
tal et des magasins du Roi : par la reddition de la Place ils 
n'ont que la ville avec les fortifications et batteries, avec 
toute 1'artillerie armes et ustensils de guerre qui y etoient 
et non pas les autres effets ; cependant ils s'en sont empares, 
disant que c'etoit au Roy, Monsieur Bigot leur a fait ses 
representations qui n'ont eu aucun fruit, il vous rendra 
compte a ce sujet. 

" Monsieur Bigot a bien voulu se charger lorsqu'il est parti 
de 1'isle d'Aix pour vous rendre compte de ma lettre du 15 
de ce mois avec tous les originaux des papiers, concernant 
tout ce qui s'est passe a 1'occasion du siege de Louisbourg ; 
je suis persuade qu'ils les aura rernis a sa grandeur et qu'a- 
pres 1'examen qu'elle en a fait, elle me rendra assez de jus- 
tice que j'ay fait tout mon possible pour la defense de cette 
place, et que je ne 1'ay rendue qu'a la derniere extremite*. 

" J'oubliois d'informer monseigneur, que messieurs de la 
Tressilliere et Souvigny, enseignes, et Lopinot, fils cadet, 
sont du nombre de ceux qui ont ete' tu^s pendant le siege. 

" La garnison de Canceau avoit e*t^ faite prisonniere au 
dit lieu le 24 may de I'anne'e derniere ; elle ne devoit pas 
porter les armes contre le Roy pendant 1'an et jour ; mon- 
sieur Duquesnel donna la liberte* a tous les officiers de cette 
garnison d'aller sur leur parole d'honneur a. Baston et de 
passer au dit lieu le temps ports' par leur capitulation. 

"Le Sieur Jean Blastrick, officier, e'toit du nombre, il 
a manqud a sa parole, puisqu'il les a prises au mois de 
mars dernier, c'etoit un des chefs de ceux qui ont brule* 
Toulouse-Port et qui ont fait la descente a Gabarrus le 
11 may. 

" II e'toit colonel ge'ne'ral de la milice de Baston, et il est 
entre* en ville a la tte de cette milice, le lendernain de la 
reddition de la place." 

APPENDIX. * 321 



All the following correspondence is from the Public 
.Record Office: America and West Indies. 



"... Having lately procur'd from Fort Major Phillips 
of Annapolis Royal the late Lieutenant Governour Arm- 
strong's Original Instrument mention'd in my late State 
of the Province of Nova Scotia to be given by him to the 
French Inhabitants of that Province, by virtue of which and 
of another of the same tenour given 'em by him in 1730, 
they claim an Exemption from bearing Arms in defence of 
his Majesty's Government, I inclose your Grace a Copy of 
it. Mr. Phillips in his letter inclosing this Instrument to 
me observes that the ' Inhabitants of Nova Scotia at the 
first news of Louisbourg's being surrendred were in great 
Consternation and at Minas in particular they appear'd in 
Tears in the Publick Places, where nine months before they 
had assisted in singing Te Deum, on a false report that 
Annapolis Royal was surrendred to Monsieur Duvivier.' 
He goes on to say that a report was spread there that Mon- 
sieur Duvivier was arriv'd at Canada with rigging for two 
Men of War, and the Renommee a French thirty gun Ship 
with two Prizes at Quebec. And all the Nova Scotia Priests 
were gone to Canada for Instructions ; and give out that 
there are 2000 Canadeans at Chignecto waiting ready for an- 
other attempt against his Majesty's Garrison. To which I 
would beg leave to subjoin that it seems to me far from 
being improbable that the French will Attempt the reduction 
of Nova Scotia early in the Spring, by gaining which they 
will have a fine provision Country to assemble 8 or 10,000 
fighting men and all the tribes of Indians ready to join 
in an attempt against Louisbourg at a few days Warning 
as I observ'd to your Grace in a late Letter ; But if they 
should not attempt Louisbourg they would irresistably break 
up all the Eastern Settlements of this Province and I doubt 

VOL. II. 21 


not the whole Province of New Hampshire it self, which 
would make 'em masters of all Mast Country and Naval 
Stores and of a rich Soil for Corn as well as Cattle and this 
would also enable 'em to make deep impressions on all the 
Western frontier of this Province, New York and Connecti- 
cut, and, how far they might penetrate is not Certain but so 
far at least as might make it very difficult to dislodge 'em 
and give 'em such an hold of the Continent as to make 'em 
think in time of pushing with the assistance of the Indians 
for the Mastery of it, which is richly worth contending for 
with all their might as it would in their hands lay the surest 
foundation for an Universal Monarchy by Sea and Land 
that ever a people had. This train of Consequences from 
the Enemies being Masters of Nova Scotia may seem remote, 
my Lord, but they are not impossible, and it may be very 
difficult for the French to regain Louisbourg at least with- 
out being Masters of Nova Scotia, and that seems under the 
present Circumstances of the Garrison where no recruits 
are yet Arriv'd from England and the Inhabitants of the 
Country Surrounding it are Enemies in their hearts no dif- 
ficult acquisition and to be made with a small Train of 
Artillery in three weeks at farthest. I would submit it to 
your Grace's consideration whether the Garrison should not 
be reinf orc'd as soon as may be. And the Inhabitants should 
not be forthwith put upon a good foot of Subjection and 
fidelity. Thus in obedience to your Grace's Direction I 
have troubled you with my whole sentiments concerning 
the Province of Nova Scotia which as I can't think it prob- 
able that the French will sleep the next year after the blow 
we have given 'em at Louisbourg (which, if they don't re- 
cover it soon by retaking Cape Breton or getting Nova Scotia 
will prove their Death wound in North America) seems to 
be most likely to be attack'd by 'em of any place in these 
parts, and I hope your Grace will excuse my Repetition of 
the Danger of it, 

" I am with the most Dutiful Regards 
" My Lord Duke, 

"Your Grace's most Obed^ 
<( and most Devoted Servant 





" Since my last to your Grace I have received the Inclos'd 
packett from Mr. Mascarene Containing a Representation 
of the State of Nova Scotia from himself and his Majesty's 
Council of that Province with a copy of a Letter from him 
to me, Showing the reasons of his late Conduct towards 
the French Inhabitants ; Your Grace will perceive that this 
representation is drawn up in Stronger Terms against the 
Inhabitants than mine; I could wish the Gentlemen had 
been more Explicit in what they would Recommend as the 
most adviseable Method of Securing his Majesty's Govern- 
meiit within the Province and against the French Inhabi- 
tants But as that is not done except in Short hints, And 
Mr. Little, to whom both Mr. Mascarene and Mr. Secretary 
Shirreff referr me for a Larger Account of the Sentiments 
of the Gentlemen of the Garrison concerning these Matters, 
Offers his Service to go with my dispatches to England and 
return directly with any Orders his Majesty may be pleased 
to give thereupon, I have sent him to wait upon your Grace, 
and it is possible that when he is upon the Spot ready to 
Answer any Questions, it may be of Service Having be- 
fore troubled your Grace So Largely upon this head, I will beg 
leave to referr to my former Letters, Mr. Little Mr. Agent 
Kilby and Mr. Bollan, which two last can, I believe, give 
Considerable Light on the affair ; And shall only add that 
the Spring before last the Garrison was very narrowly Saved 
from the Enemy by the Arrival of the New England Auxil- 
iaries, and the last Spring, by the Expedition against Cape 
Breton, that the preservation of it this Spring will be of the 
Utmost Importance to his Majesty's Service in America, 
and that nothing will more effectually Secure that than 
putting the Inhabitants upon a proper foot of Subjection, 
in the most Speedy Manner, to prevent their Revolt, which 
Cannot be done without his Majesty's Special directions for 
that purpose ; for the procuring of which, I find Mr. Mas- 
careue, and his whole Council have a dependance upon me ; 


the Language of their Several Letters being that they Com- 
mit themselves to my Care ; and will take no step without 
my Advice or approbation, which has been the Case for 
above these last two years, And I mention to your Grace 
in Excuse for my being So importunate in the Affairs of 
another Government, which the Gentlemen of the Garrison 
lay me Under a Necessity of being; And I am further 
Urg'd to this by the late Accounts, w ! 1 Mr. Mascarene and 
the other Gentlemen have sent me of the Appearance of 
four hundred Indians well Cloathed, Arm'd, and Supply'd 
with Stores from Canada near St. Johns River, Seventeen 
French Officers being Seen among 'em, and another Body of 
French in the Neighbourhood of the Province, and Reports 
that Mr. Duvivier in the Parfaite Man of Warr, and another 
Ship of Force were at Qubec with Stores, and another was 
seen to put into St. Johns Island ; That the Priests who 
went to Canada for Instructions are returned with Supplies 
and large promises to the Indians (before well dispos'd and 
upon the point of putting themselves under Our protection 
on the taking of Louisbourg) and Encouragements for the 
Inhabitants to depend upon a powerfull force against the 
Fort at Annapolis Royal this Spring. These alarms indeed 
have been Something Allay 'd by Letters from the Deputies 
of Minas and other Districts to Mr. Mascarene, which for my 
own part I have no great dependance upon. 

" But it seems plain upon the whole, that the French are 
making the Utmost Efforts to retain the Indians of those 
parts in their Interest, and gaining over the Inhabitants of 
Nova Scotia, So that the Taking of Speedy measures for 
Securing these last and gaining over the former which will 
depend upon that, as the preservation of Nova Scotia does 
upon both, is- a Matter of the Highest Consequence. 

"Upon thia Occasion it seems necessary for me to ap- 
prise your Grace, that Mr. Mascarene and his Council have 
not So good an harmony Subsisting between them as could 
be wish'd, and that all the Officers have of late differed 
in Sentiments with him particularly upon the Behaviour 
of the French Inhabitants, Concerning whom he indeed 
has himself alter 'd his Opinion in Some measure j But I 


think there may be Still danger of too much tenderness 
towards 'em on his part, and perhaps rigour on theirs in 
carrying any Orders of his Majesty's into Execution ; So 
that by their Jarring, the Execution of the Orders may 
possibly be Obstructed, if they are left to themselves; 

" Wherefore if their Chief Governour's Age and health, 
and other Circumstances would have permitted him to have 
been Upon the Spott, and Assisted in this Service, it 
would I believe have been for the Advantage of it, for 
him to have made 'em a short Visit at least this year, And 
if it could have 'been repeated for the two or three pro- 
ceeding years it would have been still more so. . . ." 


"... I think it my indispensable duty to suggest again 
to Your Grace my Fears that the Enemy will soon find 
an opportunity of snatching Accadie by some Sudden 
Stroke from his Majesty's Government unless the danger 
is remov'd out of the Heart of it there by a Removal 
of the most dangerous of the french Inhabitants from 
thence, & transplanting English Families there in their 
room, which I think very practicable from hence, having 
lately found means of transplanting upwards, I believe, 
of an hundred Families from the Province to Louisbourg 
towards the Settlement of it, which yet I dont esteem 
of such Importance to be immediately done as the Settle- 
ment of Nova Scotia with faithful Subjects. 

"In the meanwhile 'till this can be happily effected & 
the Indians in those parts secur'd in the English Interest, 
I have propos'd to Mr. Warren that a Detachment of 100 
Men should be sent from Louisbourg to reinforce the gar- 
rison at Annapolis Royal, since the late Miscarriage of 182 
out of 302 of the Recruits designed for Annapolis in their 
Passage from England to the garrison there. Ninety-six 
of the Remainder of 'em, which came in here, I with diffi- 
culty have got recovered in his Majesty's Castle William 


& at the Hospital in Boston, & sent a month ago to Anna- 
polis where I hear they are safely arriv'd, and twenty 
more who are in a fair way of being serviceable, I shall 
send from the Hospital within three days; But the Gar- 
rison will still be weak as Mr. Mascarene has dismiss'd 
most of the New England Auxiliaries, and they have not, 
I am informed, 220 effective private Men left besides their 
Artificers & Workmen : I have also recommended to Mr. 
Warren the frequent Sending of a Ship of War to look 
into the Bason of Annapolis & make the Garrison there 
a short Visit in order to prevent a Surprise; & by his 
Opinion in Concurrence with Sir Will Pepperrell's, Mr. 
Mascarene's & my own a Sloop has been hir'd & employ'd 
for about these last four Months to attend upon that garri- 
son, & carry Intelligence between Annapolis Royal, Louis- 
bourg & Boston concerning the State of it & the Enemy's 
Motions which we conceiv'd necessary to be done for its 
Security, and hope your Grace will not disapprove of. 

"What Mr. Frontenac observed some years ago to 
M r Pontchartrain concerning the french King's recover- 
ing of Accadie & making himself absolute Master of the 
great Bank [of Newfoundland] as in the inclos'd Extract 
of his Letter, seems so seasonable to be consider'd at this 
time, that I would beg leave to observe to your Grace 
upon it, that his Maj ty ' 8 holding the Possession of An- 
napolis Royal & Newfoundland (already conceded to his 
Crown by the Treaty of Utrecht) with his late Acquisition 
of Cape Breton, will put the whole Cod Fishery more 
in his Power than M' Frontenac's Scheme could have put 
it into the French Kings, and that besides what M r Fron- 
tenac calls a Commerce more advantageous than the Con- 
quest of the Indies, and computes the Returns of at twenty 
Millions (I suppose french Livres) per annum, it would 
furnish his Majesty with as good a Nursery of Seamen 
for the Royal Navy as the Colliery in England does, not 
to mention the great consumption of British Manufactures 
which must be occasioned in carrying the Fishery on ; - 
that the holding of Annapolis Royal in particular will be es- 
tablishing to his Majesty the Mastery of the Northern Part 


of this Continent against the French, Secure to him inex- 
haustible Nurseries of Masts, Yards, Bowsprits & other 
Stores for his Navy, & Timber for Ship building within his 
Northern Colonies independent of any foreign State to be 
purchased with British Manufactures & transported in 
British Vessels that the Inhabitants of the Northern 
Colonies would in time make such an Addition of Subjects 
to the Crown of Great Britain as would make their number 
Superior to that of any Prince's upon the Continent of 
Europe; and in the meanwhile the Vent of Woolen & 
other British Manufactures, & all Kinds of European Com- 
modities imported into the Colonies from Great Britain 
must increase in proportion to the Increase of their Inhabi- 
tants: by all which means the main Sources of Wealth, 
& a larger Extent of Power by Sea & Land than any State 
in Christendom at present enjoys, seems capable of being 
secur'd to his Maj ty<i Dominions; But which will in the 
End otherwise be in all human Probability the Lot of the 
french Dominions ; And I would in particular observe 
to your Grace the most practicable Step the Enemy can 
attempt making towards their obtaining that seems clearly 
to be their rendring themselves Masters of Nova Scotia, 
the Consequences of w* 11 would give 'em so strong an hold 
Upon this Continent as would make it difficult to dislodge 
'em & put it very much in their Power to harrass & annoy 
his Maj tys Colonies both by Land & Sea, in such manner 
as to weaken 'em extremely, if not by degrees finally sub- 
due 'em. 

" I am with the most dutiful Regards, 
"My Lord Duke, 

"Your Grace's most devoted 
" and obedient Servant 



". . . I would beg Leave to observe to your Grace, 
y* the Danger to his Majesty's garrison arises chiefly 


from within the heart of the government itself, the In- 
habitants & neighboring Indians whose Numbers are suffi- 
cient of themselves with a small assistance from Canada 
& the help of a proper Train of Artillery, slipt up the Bay 
in small Vessells (w 611 would give 'em great Encouragement 
to take up Arms ag' the garrison) to reduce it. However 
while the Attempt against Canada is depending, that will 
certainly go far towards holding the Inhabitants of Nova 
Scotia in suspense, till the success of it is known j & I 
hope by next Spring they may either be put upon a better 
foot of Subjection, or the most dangerous among 'em 
removed. . . ." 


"... I may assure your Grace y* one of the principal 
motives I had to desire I might succeed General Phillips 
in his Command, was the hopes I have of it's putting it in 
my power to promote his Majesty's Service in his Province 
of Acadie, or Nova Scotia by securing the fidelity & Allegi- 
ance of the Inhabitants there to his Majesty's Government 
in the best manner, and thereby preventing the French 
from making themselves masters of it, the Acquisition 
of w ch to them with the help of the Indians would likewise 
endanger the Loss of the Province of New Hampshire & 
the Mast Country to his Majesty with the Fishery of the 
Acadie or Cape Sable's Shoar, including that of Canso, to 
his Subjects here in present, & should not Canada be 
reduc'd, would enable the enemy to harrass & Diminish, 
all his Majesty's Colonies & on the Continent, & have 
an inevitable Tendency to make themselves masters of 
the whole of it in time ; not to mention the Continual 
Danger, w c . h their possession of Nova Scotia would at the 
same time expose Cape Breton & even Newfoundland to. 

" The Considerations have induc'd me to take the Liberty 
of submitting it to your Grace, whether it might not be for 
his Majesty's Service, that before the six Regiments to be 
employ'd ag! Canada return to England, orders may be sent 


that such part of 'em as shall be thought necessary to assist 
in removing the most obnoxious of the French Inhabitants 
of Nova Scotia from thence, should be employ'd in that 
Service, w c !* would not take up much time ; I am not certain 
whether a sufficient Strength might not be spar'd from the 
Garrison at Louisbourg a short time for this purpose, w c !* 
if it could, would make the Assistance of any other Troops 

" And I would particularly submit it to your Grace's Con- 
sideration, whether in case of any Disappoinment in the 
present Attempt for the reduction of Canada, the immedi- 
ate removal of some at least of the French Inhabitants of 
Nova Scotia, & securing the province in the best manner 
would not be ... adviseable and even necessary. 

" If your Grace should think this deserves so much of 
your Attention there will be time enough for transmitting 
his Majesty's Commands to me upon it before the present 
Expedition is over. 

" I am with the most Dutifull Regard 

" My Lord Duke 
"Your Grace's most Devoted 
" & most obedient Servant 



"I must acknowledge I should rather apprehend the 
french Fleet (if it is design'd for North America) is order'd 
to Canada ; or else to Annapolis Eoyal, where the Enemy 
may depend that upon the Apperance of such an Armament 
the french Inhabitants of Nova Scotia (to the Amount of 
between 5 & 6000 righting men) and a considerable Number 
of Indians & some Canadeans, would immediately join 'em, 
and they would have a most convenient Country to rendez- 
vous in within a very few days sail of Chappeaurouge Bay 
at Cape Breton, and be not far from Canada, than that they 
should attempt to enter Louisbourg Harbour with their 
Ships; and I am the more inclin'd to this Opinion from 


the Accounts I have received lately from M r Mascarene, 
and the Officers of the Garrison at Annapolis Royal which 
inform me that the french Inhabitants at Menis & Schieg- 
neto (in Nova Scotia) have cut off all communication with 
the garrison for these last five Weeks, and have stop'd the 
Messengers sent from thence by M r Mascarene for Intelli- 
gence ; being in Expectation of an Armament from France ; 
And indeed it seems probable that this will for ever be the 
Case ; and that the Province of Nova Scotia will never be 
out of Danger, whilst the french Inhabitants are suffer'd 
to remain in Nova Scotia upon their present Foot of 


" I shall finish my troubleing your Grace upon the Affairs 
of Nova Scotia with this Letter after having once more 
Submitted it to your Grace's Consideration as a proper 
Scheme for better securing the Subjection of the French 
Inhabitants and Indians there; that the Governour & 
Council or such other Person or Persons as his Majesty 
shall think fitt to join with 'em, should have a special 
authority and directions from his Majesty, forthwith to 
Apprehend & Examine a convenient number of such of 
the Inhabitants, as shall be by them judg'd to be most obnox- 
ious & Dangerous to his Majesty's Government, & upon 
finding 'em guilty of holding any treasonable Correspond- 
ence with the Enemy &c to dispose of them & their Estates 
in such manner, as his Majesty shall order by his Com- 
missions and to promise his Majesty's Gracious Pardon & 
a general Indemnity to the Rest for what is past upon 
their taking the Oaths of Allegiance to his Majesty ; And 
to Cause either two stoong Blockhouses (or small Forts) 
capable of holding 100 Men each to be Built, one in Menis 
& the other in Schiegnecto, which may be Garrison'd out 
of Phillip's Regiment when Compleated, or else that at 
least one Blockhouse (or small Fort) should be Built at 


Menis capable of holding 150 men; and a trading house 
be kept at the Fort at Menis or some other part of the 
Province well Stock'd with all proper Supplies for the 
Indians to be sold or barter'd to 'em for Furrs &c at 
the most reasonable Rates, and some presents annually 
distributed to 'em: by which means and removing the 
Romish Priests out of the Province, & introducing Protes- 
tant English Schools, and French Protestant Ministers, and 
due encouragement given to such of the Inhabitants, as shall 
Conform to the Protestant Religion, and send their Chil- 
dren to the English Schools, the present Inhabitants might 
probably at least be kept in Subjection to his Majesty's 
Government, and from treasonable Correspondencies with 
the Canadians ; and the next Generation in a great measure 
become true Protestant Subjects; and the Indians there 
soon Reclairn'd to an entire dependance upon & subjection 
to his Majesty ; which might also have an happy Influence 
upon some of the Tribes now in the French Interest. 
" Your Grace will be pleas'd to Excuse all 
" Incorrectness in this rough Sketch. 

" I am with the most Dutif ull Regard, 
" My Lord Duke, 

" Your Grace's most Devoted & 
"Most Obedient Servant 




" Having been inform'd that the french Inhabitants of 
Nova Scotia entertain some Jealousy of a Design in the 
English Government to remove them with their Families 
from their Settlements, & transport them to France or else- 
where ; I desire (if you think it may be for his Majesty's 
Service) that you would be pleas'd to signify to 'em, that 
it is probable if his Majesty had declar'd such Intention 
I might have heard of the same, but that I am perfectly 
unaquainted with any such Design, and am perswaded 
there is no just Ground for this Jealousy ; And be pleas'd 


to assure 'em that I shall use my best Endeavours by a 
proper Eepresentation of their Case to be laid before his 
Majesty, to obtain the Continuance of his Royal Favour 
& Protection to such of them, as shall behave dutifully, & 
refuse to hold any Correspondence with his Enemies ; and 
I doubt not but that all such of 'em will be protected by his 
Majesty in the Possession of their Estates & Settlements in 
Nova Scotia. 

" And I desire you would also be pleas'd to inform them 
that it is expected from his Maj^ 8 french Subjects in that 
Province, who have for so long time enjoyed the same Privi- 
leges with his natural born Subjects there, & have been 
under a much easier Government than any of the french 
King's Subjects are in the neighbouring Province of Can- 
ada & other Parts of the -french King's Dominions, that 
their Interest as well as their Duty and Gratitude should 
bind them to a strict Fidelity & Obedience to his Majesty 
and His Government ; But on the contrary if any of the 
Inhabitants of the said Province shall join with the Enemy 
(especially those that have been sent from Canada to seduce 
them from their Duty to his Majesty & Attachment to the 
English Interest) they must expect to be treated in the same 
manner as his Majesty's English Subjects would be under 
the like Provocations. 

" I am with great regard 
" Sir, 

"Your most obedient 

"humble servant 




" I express'd some hopes in my last but one to your Grace, 
that I should not be oblig'd to add to my former Accounts 
of the imminent danger, his Majesty's Province of Nova 
Scotia was in of being surpriz'd by the Enemy ; But find 
my self under a Necessity of doing it from the Advices 
which I have since receiv'd from M! Mascarene, and the 


Intelligence contain'd in three Declarations upon Oath, 
Copies of all which are inclos'd. 

" Upon the Keceipt of M* Mascarene's Letter, the Con- 
tents of which are confirrn'd to me by other autheutick 
Accounts, it appear'd to me that there was no room to 
doubt but that a considerable Body of French and Indians 
from Canada was assembled in Nova Scotia, with Expecta- 
tions of a Reinforcement from France ' t and if they fail'd 
of that this Year a Design of at least wintering in Minas 
or some other Part of the Country, by which means they 
would have an Opportunity of fortifying themselves in it, 
transporting their great artillery (which there was then 
the utmost reason to believe they had landed either at Bay 
Verte or Chebucto Harbour) to Annapolis,, and work upon the 
French Inhabitants already ripe for a Revolt to join 'em in 
attacking his Majesty's Garrison there so early in the Spring 
that it would be extremely difficult if not impracticable to 
relieve it by any Succours either from Louisbourg or the 
Colonies on the Continent. Whereupon I immediately sent 
Mf Mascarene an Assurance that I would send him as soon 
as possible 300 of the new Levies from this Province, 200 
of 'em (which seems to be as many as the Garrison can hold 
at present besides the Troops already there) for the Rein- 
forcement of it, and 100 of 'em to be cmploy'd in two Sloops 
up the Bay in the manner M' Mascarene proposes in his 
Letter to me, and that I would do the utmost in my Power 
to make the number up 2000 soon afterwards, in order to 
dislodge the Enemy, & prevent 'em from wintering in the 
Province ; And in the mean time upon my advising with 
Rear Admiral Warren (who is still here) he immediately 
sent his Majesty's Ship Chester a 50 Gun Ship to Annapolis 
Royal for the further Countenance & Protection of the Gar- 
rison there. 

( i. Some Days after this I receiv'd Information that a Fleet 
of upwards of 30 Sail were discover'd about 15 Leagues to 
the "Westward of Chibucto Harbour, which lies upon the 
Cape Sable Shoar (the Coast of Accadie or Nova Scotia) 
about 150 Leagues to the Eastward of Boston, and about 
60 Leagues Westward of Louisbourg, & about 80 distant 


from Annapolis Royal according to Champions inclos'd 
Deposition, which was confirm'd by another of the same 
Tenour made by one Thornton sent me from Piscataqua, 
upon which I dispatched an arm'd Brigantine with orders 
to look into Chibucto Harbour, & if the Master should 
discover any thing to proceed directly to Louisbourg, & 
give Vice Admiral Townsend & Govern? Knowles Intelli- 
gence of it, & to send me Advice of it Express by some 
fishing Vessel taken up at Sea ; But the Brigantine return'd 
in less than 24 hours with one Stanwood a Fisherman on 
board, whose Vessel fell in with the Fleet on the 9* day of 
Sept! about 10 Leagues to the Westward of Chibucto, the 
particulars of which are contain'd in his inclos'd Deposi- 
tion; and the day after Stanwood's falling in with this 
Fleet, Haskell another Master of a fishing Vessel discover'd 
it standing a right course for Chibucto about 8 Leagues to 
the Westw"? of it, & was chas'd by one of 'em according 
to the inclos'd Deposition; which Series of Intelligence, 
as no Vessel has arriv'd here yet from this Fleet (which 
must in all probability have happen'd had it come from 
England) compar'd with the Accounts in the English 
News Papers of the Brest Fleet's sailing, & the Intelli- 
gence gain'd from a french Prize lately taken by one of 
M r Townsend's Squadron near the Mouth of S! Lawrence, 
that she came out with the Brest Squadron & sail'd in Com- 
pany with it eight days ; the Account we had of two large 
french Ships being seen to go into Chibucto Harbour about 
two Months ago ; the behavior of the French in Nova Scotia, 
& their declar'd Expectations of a large French Armament 
about this time, seems to make it very probable that these 
Ships may be part of the Brest Squadron, & that they have 
an immediate design upon Nova Scotia at least. Hereupon 
I sent an Express Boat to Louisbourg to apprize Admiral 
Townsend & M r Knowles of it, & another to Annapolis 
Royal to give Mr Mascarene Advice of it, & to let him know 
that I was embarking 300 Men for the Reinforcement of the 
Garrison under his Command (which is done & part of 'em 
sail'd) with a Promise of farther Succours, and to apprize 
him that from the publick Accounts in the English Prints 


we had reason to depend upon the speedy Arrival of Lieut? 
General S! Clair with the British Troops under his Com- 
mand, & a Squadron of his Majesty's Ships with 'em at 
Louisbourg ; And as I have reason to think that an Appre- 
hension generally prevails among the french Inhabitants of 
Nova Scotia, that they shall all of 'em soon be remov'd 
from their Settlements there without Distinction, which 
may have a bad Influence upon 'em in favour of the Enemy 
at this critical Time. I have wrote Mf Mascarene a Letter 
(a copy of which I inclose to your Grace) which is trans- 
lated into French, & printed, in order to be dispers'd among 
the french Inhabitants, if M' Mascarene (to whose Discre- 
tion I have submitted it either to make Use of or suppress 
the printed Copies) shall be of Opinion that the Publication 
of it among 'em may be for his Majesty's Service. 

" If the Fleet discover'd on the Cape Sable Coast should 
be Part of that from Brest, doubtless their visit to Nova 
Scotia has been encourag'd by the general Disposition of 
the Inhabitants, & the strength they will add to 'em for the 
Reduction of that Province, & afterwards for an Attempt 
upon Louisbourg (if they should think it adviseable to 
to make one) as also for the defence of Canada. Should 
they succeed in an immediate Attempt upon Nova Scotia 
(which I should not be surpriz'd at) & General S' Clair with 
the Squadron expected from England should arrive in time 
for that purpose, I should propose attempting the immedi- 
ate recovery of it out of the Enemy's hands this Year ; For 
their holding that Province till they can fortify it and 
farther strengthen themselves there must be attended with 
very bad Consequences to his Majesty's Service, worse than 
may be immediately apprehended, & create no inconsider- 
able Perplexities ; at least it seems a clear point to me, that 
if the French should hold the Possession of Nova Scotia in 
Addition to Canada, the fate of Affairs in his Majesty's 
Northern Colonies will be suddenly alter'd in a surprizing 
manner & it will then soon be discern'd that the Mastery 
of the Northern Parts of this Continent, together with the 
Sources of Wealth & Power depending upon it, will be in 
a very fair way of being finally transfer'd to the Enemy. 


" Upwards of two Months ago upon receiving Intelligence 
of the Appearance of two large French Ships being seen to 
go into Chibucto Harbour, M r Warren & I sent M*. Townsend 
notice of it ; But as we had not learn'd whether any Vessell 
had been sent from Louisbourg to look into that Harbour, I 
sent an arm'd Brigantine to make Discoveries there, which 
was hinder'd from proceeding thither as is before mention'd ; 
& I have now sent a Schooner thither with a Person who 
has undertaken to go into it in a Whale boat high enough 
to make an exact discovery of the Enemy's strength (if any 
of their Ships are there) & to carry the Account to Louis- 
bourg ; But it seems possible if any of 'em have been there, 
that after landing some Troops and Stores at Chibucto, & 
getting what Intelligence they can from the Nova Scotians, 
their Ships may be gone to Canada 5 for which Place we 
have been inform'd that sixteen french Vessels, some of 
'em Ships of War, had some time ago pass'd up the River 
of S* Laurence ; & since that six other Vessels with Stores ; 
so that it is very probable that Quebec is much better pre- 
par'd to receive a Visit from his Majesty's Land & Sea 
Forces now than it was a little time ago." 


" It is agreed by all the Prisoners that the French have 
not fortify'd at Chebucto, nor sent any Troops from thence 
by Land to join the Canadeans ; as also that M r Destonnel 
the chief D'escadre & Commandant upon the Death of the 
Duke D'Anville, who was of Opinion, to return to France 
after the Admiral's Death without attempting any thing, 
upon being over rul'd in a Council of War & having his 
Flagg struck, fell upon his Sword, & dy'd of his Wound 
as all of 'em say, except Sanders. 

" It seems very observable from Sander's Declaration how 
ready a Disposition the Nova Scotians show'd to afford Re- 
freshmf & Pilots to the Enemy, & that they had signified to 
the french Ministry their readiness to join with any force 


they should send for the Keduction of his Majes^ 1 ' Garrison 
at Annapolis Royal. Also from the number of Engineers 
the French had with 'em that their Scheme was to hold & 
fortify Annapolis, for w ! 1 Purpose it seems to be that the 
50 brass Cannon were brought, rather than for raising Bat- 
teries against the Fort : and that from the Number of their 
small Arms, which they had with 'em to arm the Nova 
Scotians (doubtless) as well as the Indians, they had a de- 
pendance upon being joiu'd by them. Likewise the Appre- 
hensions which prevail among the Nova Scotians that they 
are at present rather Neutrals than Subjects to the Crown 
of Great Britain. And I think it is not to be doubted now 
but that the principal Part of the french Scheme was the 
Reduction of Nova Scotia in the first Place. 

" Upon the whole the sickly State of the French Fleet, 
w c . h is extremely ill mann'd, the hurry & Uneasiness they 
discover'd upon seeing the Contents of the Packets which 
fell into their hands, & precipitate departure from Che- 
bucto, with their detaining the Flag of Truce & English 
Prisoners 'till they were got 30 Leagues from Chebucto, & 
then dismissing 'em with a Notion that their Fleet was 
going up the Bay of Fundy to Annapolis (instead of car- 
rying 'em up there with 'em to prevent that's being known 
to us) makes it seem probable that the Enemy is making 
the best of their way to France or the West Indies, & was 
afraid of even Mr Townsend's following 'em. 
" I am with the most dutiful Regard 
" My Lord Duke, 

" Your Grace's most Devoted 

" and most Obedient Servant 



" I am afraid your Grace will think, from my incessant 
Representations of the State of Nova Scotia, that I imagine 
that Province should be the sole Object of your Attention : 
VOL. ii. 22 


Nothing could induce me to be so importunate with your 
Grace upon this Subject, but the fullest perswasion of the 
very great Importance of that Place to the Crown, & the 
British Subject, of the immediate bad Consequences of 
the Loss of it to his majesty's Service, & the imminent 
danger of its being lost, unless something is forthwith 
done for the effectual Security of it. 

"The inclos'd Extract from M: Mascarene's Letter & 
Copy of Lieut* Colonel Gorhain's will disclose in a great 
Measure to your Grace their Apprehensions, & the Con- 
dition of the Province: The number of the Enemy, are 
increas'd at Menis ; they have again stop't all Communica- 
tion between the Inhabitants & the Garrison, & are likely 
to keep footing there this Winter ; and particularly from 
Col Gorham's Letter your Grace will perceive what Pains 
the Canadeans and Malecontents among the Inhabitants 
take to prevent my Letter lately dispers'd among 'era, in 
order to setle the Minds of the Inhabitants, (a Copy of 
which I have before sent your Grace) from having its 
proper Influence; & how the Nova Scotians are alarm'd 
at the Rumour of a design to remove 'em from their Settle- 
ments ; And it appears to me by what I farther learn from 
Captain Fotheringham to whom M? Mascarene refers me 
in his Letter, that unless something vigorous, as that Let- 
ter intimates, is done by the Middle of April at farthest, 
the greatest Part of the Province at least will be in the 
hands of the Canadeans, and it will be too late then to 
attempt to reclaim the Inhabitants. 

"For the securing Nova Scotia from its present dangers 
I would further humbly propose it as my Opinion to be 
consider'd by your Grace, that if his Majesty should be 
pleas'd as soon as possibly might be after the Receipt of 
this, to cause it to be signified to the Inhabitants of Nova 
Scotia, that the Assurances lately given 'em by me of his 
Royal Protection to such of 'em as should behave duti- 
fully and avoid all traiterous Correspondence with the 
Enemy at this Juncture (or to that Effect) were approv'd 
of by him, and should be made good to 'em, it would have 


a great Tendency to remove their present Apprehensions 
of being sent off with their .Families from their Settlements 
in Nova Scotia, which seems to distress & perplex 'em ; & 
effectually to prevent 'em from being drawn over to take 
up Arms against his Majesty, unless it should be some 
of the most obnoxious of 'em ; which if his Majesty would 
be pleas'd to send over at the same time his special direc- 
tions to apprehend, and proceed against, such a Proceeding 
against the Delinquents and gracious Declaration towards 
the others, would, I dare say, have a proper Effect for secur- 
ing the general Fidelity of the Inhabitants, at least so far 
as to keep 'em from joining with the Enemy ; And least the 
Succours now sent to Annapolis should not be a sufficient 
force to dislodge the Enemy this Winter, I would farther 
humbly propose it for your Graces' Consideration, that his 
Majesty's Orders should be forthwith sent to myself and 
the other three Governments of New England, that in case 
the Canadeans should not be withdrawn out of Nova Scotia, 
they should immediately cause the Soldiers rais'd in their 
respective Colonies & Provinces for his Majesty's Service 
in the Expedition against Canada to be transported to An- 
napolis Royal, as their Place of Rendezvous istead of Louis- 
bourg, & to be employed in driving the Canadeans out of 
Nova Scotia, and be farther subjected to such Orders as his 
Majesty shall be pleas'd to signify in those Directions ; and 
if this Order was to extend to the Governour of New York, 
it might not be an unnecessary Caution. I am apprehensive 
if such Orders are not sent, that the Attention of the several 
Governing to the Reduction of Crown Point might very 
much interfere with the Preservation of Nova Scotia, which 
is of infinitely more Consequence. 

"These are the things which occur to me at present, & 
which I would submit to your Grace's Consideration, as 
what seems to require more immediate Dispatch; As to 
the dange* of the french Fleet's early Return from the 
West Indies to Nova Scotia and what Strength of Ships 
may be necessary to protect that Province, Cape Breton, 
and the other Colonies against that Fleet, or any other 
french Armament which may be sent from Europe in the 


Spring to visit these Parts, I leave to Admiral Warren, who 
now goes to England in the Chester, and with whom, pur- 
suant to the Directions of your Grace's two Letters to me 
in March & April last, I have acted in Concert upon all 
such Occasions as requir'd my consulting him with the 
greatest Satisfaction and Harmony, having had the Pleas- 
ure to find my own Sentiments agreable to his in all 
Matters of Consequence, and a most hearty Disposition in 
him for his Majesty's Service, and to whom I have often 
talk'd over the Affairs of Nova Scotia. 

"I will avoid repeating what I have particularly men- 
tion'd to your Grace in late Letters concerning fortifying 
of Chebucto Harbour and building a Blockhouse or small 
Fort for 150 Men at Menis, with a Trading House there for 
the Indians, and a Blockhouse only at Canso for 100 Men, 
instead of new building and enlarging that at Annapolis 
Royal, and erecting a larger Fortification at Canso ; which 
in my humble Opinion would greatly strengthen that 
Province, and together with the introducing of french 
Protestant Ministers, and English Schools, & some small 
Encouragement by Privileges to such as should conform 
to the Prtestant Religion, or send their Children to the 
English Schools, and Presents to the Indians with Supplies 
of all necessaries for 'em at the most reasonable Rates, in 
Exchange for their Furrs & ; the Disallowance of the pub- 
lick Exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion, at least after 
a short Term of Years,' & forbidding Romish Priests under 
severe Penalties to come into the Country either among the 
Inhabitants or Indians ; and if it might be consistent with 
his Majesty's Pleasure, a Civil Government to be in due 
time introduc'd among the Inhabitants ; These things, I 
say, my Lord together with making Examples of the most 
obnoxious among the Inhabitants, and his Majesty's extend- 
ing his Clemency and the Continuance of his Protection to 
the rest upon taking the proper Oath of Allegiance, seem 
to me to have the most promising Aspect for making good 
Subjects of the present Generation of Inhabitants, at least 
better than they are now and good Protestants of the next 


Generation of 'em ; especially if there was to be a Mixture 
of English or other Protestants introduced among 'em, 
which the Invitation of a Civil Government to be set up 
among 'em would bid fair for doing: and the Trading 
House would create in the Indians a firm Dependance upon, 
and Attachment to his Majesty's Government, especially 
if a proper Protestant Missionary or two was supported 
to live among 'em at their head Quarters, as is the Method 
of the french Priests ; by w c . h means- they gain so great an 
Ascendency over them. 

" Just as I had finished the last Paragraph a Letter from 
Governor Knowles to Admiral Warren & myself, dated the 
10 th Instant, was deliver'd to me, in which he informs me 
that 'he has given his Opinion in his Letters to your Grace, 
that it will be necessary to drive all the French (I suppose 
he means Inhabitants) out of Accadie (Nova Scotia) in the 
' Spring, and that he hopes he shall have Orders to assist 
* in doing it, if Admiral Warren does not go upon the Ex- 
'pedition to Quebeck, which he apprehends is rendred 
'more difficult than it was, by such a Number of Ships 
' being got safe up to Quebeck this Year, as no doubt they 
'have carried all manner of warlike Stores.' And in his 
Letter to me of the 24'! 1 of October he says 'if his Majesty 
' should be pleas'd to transport the Rebels who are Objects 
'of his Mercy, & encourage other Highland Families to 
'come over, he thinks the Colony of Nova Scotia would 
' soon be repeopled ; ' which it is possible he may have 
also propos'd to your Grace as in his Opinion the best 
Method for peopling that Colony, after the present freiich 
Inhabitants are drove off. 

" As the Sentiments, which I have taken the Liberty to 
offer to your Grace upon this Subject, happen to be some- 
thing different from Mr Knowles's, I think it may not only 
be proper but my Duty to mention the Reasons of my pre- 
ferring the Scheme for attempting to make the present 
french Inhabitants good Subjects to his Majesty, and keep- 
ing 'em in the Country, to that of driving 'em off & intro- 
ducing some of the Rebels and other Highlanders in their 


" It seems very difficult to drive all the Inhabitants of 
Accadie out of so large a Province as that is, and which 
consists chiefly of Woods ; It is most probable that many 
of the hardiest Men would retire (for some time at least) 
with their Cattle into the Woods, & form Parties with the 
Indians ; and the remainder would doubtless retreat with 
their Families to Canada : Those, who are acquainted with 
the Indian Manner of Life & making War know that one 
hundred of 'em under Cover of the Woods can confine a 
very large Frontier within their Garrisons, even tho' they 
have Companies continually scouting between one Garrison 
and another : this is at present the Case of this Province 
& the other Colonies of New England & New York, tho' 
the People there are us'd to the Woods, & the Skulking of 
the Indians behind the Bushes & in Ditches with their 
other Wiles, & have large numbers of the Militia con- 
stantly upon Guard for their Protection; their Cattle is 
continually destroy'd ; if any of 'em venture out into their 
Fields, they are frequently kill'd & scalp'd ; and sometimes 
not only single Families or Garrisons are surpriz'd and cut 
off, as has happen'd lately in this Province, but even whole 
Villages, as was the Case of Sarahtoga in New York a few 
Months ago ; so that those of the french Inhabitants, who 
should mix with the Indians in the Woods, would have it 
in their Power to put his Majesty's Garrison under such 
Circumstances as that it could not possibly subsist longer 
in the Country than they could do it without fresh Pro- 
visions, Wood & other Materials & Supplies from thence ; 
from all which they would be wholly cut off, when the 
Inhabitants were drove away ; And as to such of the In- 
habitants, who should go with their Families to Canada, it 
must be expected that a very large Body of the Men would 
return arm'd next Spring with some Canadeans to join the 
Indians ; from all which it seems justly to be apprehended 
that an Attempt to drive all the french Inhabitants from 
their Settlements, should it succeed, would in Effect be 
driving 5 or 6000 Men to take up Arms against his Majesty's 
Government there every Year during the War ; make the 
reclaiming of the Indians of Nova Scotia impracticable, & 


render it impossible for his Majesty's Garrison there to 
subsist long in the Country in time of War even with the 
Indians only ; Besides, the Addition of about 6000 fighting 
Men with their Families to Canada, which would greatly 
strengthen the French upon this Continent, and would 
entail upon the Posterity of those who are thus expell'd 
(for several Generations at least) a Desire of recovering 
their former Possessions in Nova Scotia, seems to be no 
inconsiderable Matter, but what next to the Loss of the 
Country itself should be avoided on the Part of his Majesty, 
& is I dare say an Event, which the French next to their 
Acquisition of this Colony would desire : It is indeed now 
to be wish'd that General Nicholson had upon the first 
Eeduction of the Colony to the Obedience to the Crown 
of Great Britain, remov'd the french Inhabitants, when 
they were but a few, out of the Country, as was done at 
Louisbourg; and that during the Interval of Peace the 
Colony had been planted with Protestant Subjects ; But 
after their having remain'd so long in the Country upon 
the foot of British Subjects under the Sanction of the 
treaty of Utrecht, and making Improvements on their 
Lands for one or two Generations, and being grown up 
into such a Number of Families, to drive 'em all off their 
Settlements without farther Inquiry seems to be liable to 
many Objections. Among others it may be doubted whether 
under the Circumstances of these Inhabitants it would 
clearly appear to be a just Usage of 'em ; it is true that 
the Notion of their Neutrality (which seems to have been 
entertain'd for some time by the English as well as them- 
selves) is ill-grounded, and does not comport with the 
Terms of their Allegiance to his Majesty, to which such 
of 'em as chose to remain in the Province are bound by the 
treaty of Utrecht ; whereby the french King yielded up the 
Inhabitants as well as the Soil of Accadie, and together 
with their Persons transferred their Allegiance to the 
Crown of Great Britain ; But if it is consider'd that this 
Notion was founded upon an Act of the late Lieut 1 Gov- 
ernour Armstrong then the residing Commander in Chief 
of the Province, whereby he took upon himself to grant 


'em by a Writing under his Hand an Exemption from bear- 
ing Arms upon any Account whatever, on their consenting 
to take an Oath of Allegiance to his present Majesty, 
which, whether it was done by him with, or without Au- 
thority, appear'd at least to them to be authentick ; it may 
perhaps be deein'd too rigorous a Punishment for their "be- 
havior grounded on such a Mistake, to involve the innocent 
with the Guilty in the Loss of their Estates, and the 
Expulsion of their Families out of the Country ; it is not 
improbable but that there may be many among 'em who 
would even prefer his Majesty's GovernmJ to a french one, 
& have done nothing to deserve such a Forfeiture ; Some 
Allowances may likewise be made for their bad Situation 
between the Canadeans, Indians & English, the Eavages of 
all which they have felt by Turns in the Course of the 
War; during which they seem to have been continually 
plac'd between two fires, the force and Menaces of the 
Canadeans & Indians plundering 'em of whatever they 
wanted, & deterring 'em in the strongest manner from hav- 
ing any Communication with his Majesty's Garrison, on the 
one hand ; and the Eesentm' 3 of the Garrison for their with- 
holding their Intelligence & Supplies on the other, tho' at 
the same time it was not in a Condition to protect 'em from 
the Enemy ; Wherefore it seems a Matter worthy of your 
Grace's Consideration, whether under such doubtful Cir- 
cumstances the driving all the French Inhabitants of Nova 
Scotia off their Settlements, and thereby very greatly 
strengthening the Enemy upon this Continent, not only 
against the Garrison in present, but finally against all the 
British Colonies there, and depopulating one of his Majesty's 
Provinces for some time (how long may be uncertain) is 
more eligible than treating 'em 'as Subjects, confining their 
Punishm' to the most guilty & dangerous among 'em, & 
keeping the rest in the Country, and endeavouring. to make 
them & their Posterity useful Members of Society under 
his Majesty's Government: I can't omit likewise observing 
to your Grace, that it would be exceeding difficult to fill up 
the Chasm which driving off the Inhabitants would make 
in the Country ; During the Eupture with France it would 


certainly be impracticable, and I doubt whether it would 
not be so wh,en Peace shall be made with France, if the 
Indians should continue at War with us ; For what Num- 
ber of Families can be propos'd to begin a Settlem* in the 
Country, after the Expulsion of the French Inhabitants, 
with safety against the Indians, & which would be continu- 
ally expos'd to be destroyed by 'em, whilst they were carry- 
ing on their Settlements ; They must expect no Protection 
against the Indians from within the Garrison, out of the 
Reach of their great Guns ; the Company of Rangers, which 
live without the Walls of the Fort, would afford more of 
that than a thousand Garrison Soldiers would do : Whereas 
if the Stock of french Inhabitants was continued in the 
Country, an Accommodation with the Indians would be 
more easily brought about and preserv'd, they would be a 
Cover for any Number of Families that might be introduc'd 
among 'em whilst they were carrying on Settlements ; & 
secure to the Garrison its necessary Supplies of fresh Pro- 
visions, Fuel, Materials for repairing the Works, & Stores 
of Sorts that the Country affords. 

"As to repeopling the Province with some of the late 
Rebels and other Highland Families, it seems much to 
be doubted whether it might not be too hazardous to fill 
that Colony, w? h should be the Barrier of all his Majesty's 
Colonies upon this Continent, with a Set of poor, ignorant, 
deluded Wretches just come out of a most unnatural Re- 
bellion ; that from their Neighbourhood to Canada would 
be continually expos'd to the Artifices and Attempts of 
french Romish Priests upon 'em who it is reasonable to 
think would not fail to instill the same Notions into 'em 
in America, which seduc'd 'em from their Allegiance in 
Great Britain, with a Promise of more effectual Support 
& Protection from the French here, than they had in the 
Highlands ; Indeed, my Lord, this seems to be a danger- 
ous experiment, and what might produce the worst of 

" I beg leave to submit it to your Grace's Consideration, 
whether the most staunch Protestants, & Families the 
most zealously affected to his Majesty's Government, a 


Number at least of such, should not rather, if possible, 
be transplanted there as soon as may be; I could wish 
four or five hundred of 'em could be induc'd to go from, 
some Part of New England ; I think from the Experience 
I had of the Inhabitants of this Province at least upon the 
late Alarm given by the french Fleet, I might safely ven- 
ture to be answerable to his Majesty, that if I had sug- 
gested in my late Orders for assembling a Body of 'em 
under Arms in Boston from all Parts of this Province 
to oppose any Attempt of the Enemy, that there was 
a design of landing a Son of the Pretender's here, it would 
not have been possible to have kept any one Man, who 
was capable of marching hither, from appearing under 
Arms with the most determin'd Resolution of hazarding 
his Life to the utmost in defence of his Majesty's Gov- 
ernni'. ; And as the late Appearances of a fondness for re- 
moving from hence to Cape Breton seem to be quite vanished 
at present, I should not be without hopes of some families 
removing from these Parts to Nova Scotia upon due En- 
couragement ; Protestants likewise from among the Swiss 
Cantons, & other Northern Parts in Germany, who are 
generally bred up in the Exercise of arms, and make so- 
ber and industrious Settlers, might be safely trusted in 
Accadie; Great Numbers of 'em yearly flock into Pen- 
silvania, whereby the Inhabitants of that Province are 
almost incredibly increas'd within these twenty Years; 
And from the behavior of the Irish coming out of the 
Northern Parts of Ireland hither, a Number of which 
is setled in the Eastern Parts of this Province, I should 
think they too might be safely trusted in Nova Scotia; 
and it is certain that these poor unhappy Highlanders 
(I mean such of 'em as may be design'd to be trans- 
ported into the Plantations) would be more safely dis- 
pos'd of among the four Governm^ of New England, or 
in New York & the Jerseys, where they would not be 
in danger either of corrupting the Inhabitants, or being 
again seduc'd themselves, but might make useful Subjects 
to his Majesty. 

"I hope, my Lord, I shall be excus'd if I have gone 


beyond my Line in submitting these Observations to your 
Grace, at a time when the fate of one of his Majesty's 
Northern Colonies, the most important of 'em all to the 
Crown in many respects, as I apprehend, and which will 
be in the hands of the french the Key to all the other 
British Colonies upon this Continent, & even to Cape 
Breton, And in his Majesty's Possession the Barrier of 'em 
against the Enemy seems to come to a Crisis." 




" I am sorry that I am now to Acquaint your Grace with 
the Advices I receiv'd last night by Express from Nova 
Scotia giving me an Account that the Detachment of Troops 
under the Command of Lieu*. Colonel Noble, which I In- 
form'd your Grace in my last of the 21?' instant had taken 
possession of Minas, and had kept it near two months, was 
for want of a proper Security for the Men and Intelligence 
from the Inhabitants surpriz'd on the 31?' of January last 
at three o'Clock in the morning by between 5 & 600 Cana- 
deans & Indians in which Lieu* Col Noble with four Offi- 
cers more and about 80 men were killed^ and three Officers 
and about 60 Men were wounded and taken prisoners be 
fore it was light enough for our people to get together ; 
they however obliged the Enemy, upwards of 20 of whom 
were kill'd, and about 15 wounded, to allow 'em an hon- 
ourable Capitulation, a Copy of which I inclose to your 
Grace together with the Account given of this Affair by 
the Officer who was Commandant of the Detachment at 
the time of the Capitulation, & Extracts from Lieu*. Gov- 
ernour Mascarene's Letter to me upon this Subject, from 
whence I choose your Grace should receive the Acco*. in 
the same light it has been Conveyed to me in, and which 
upon the best Inquiry I can make, seems to be a just one. 
I also Inclose to your Grace an Extract from Col. Noble's 
Letter to me dated two days before his death, giving me 
an Account of the Situation of Affairs then at Miiias; 


from whence your Grace will perceive that even then 
he was in Expectation of being Join'd by the Khode Island 
Forces & the Company from this Province, which had the 
Misfortune to be Shipreck'd ; and that, had they arriv'd 
at Annapolis, and the New Hampshire Companies had not 
return'd home without acting, the Enemy would in all 
probability have been drove out of Nova Scotia, and every 
good purpose, which I had propos'd, been answer'd before 
this time. As it is I shall use my best Endeavours forth- 
with to fit out a sufficient force by Sea to destroy M r . Ram- 
say's Vessels at Schiegnecto, and recover our own by 
Spring, & to send MX Mascarene such a Reinforcement 
of Troops as may still drive the Enemy out of Nova 
Scotia by the same time and prevent any bad Conse- 
quences from the late Accident there, which seems neces- 
sary to be done (if possible) and I shall hope to succeed 
in, if the neighbouring Governments of New England will 
assist in, which I shall urge 'em to do. 

"I likewise inclose the Answer of the Inhabitants of 
Minas to the French Letter which I some time ago In- 
form'd your Grace I sent M' Mascarene last Fall, and a 
Paragraph out of one of his Letters to me upon the same 
matter ; whereby your Grace will perceive that that Letter 
seems to have had an happy Effect upon the Inhabitants 
at a most critical Conjuncture. 

" The late Secresy of the Inhabitants of Minas with regard 
to the Enemys Motions, and the very certain Intelligence 
which the Enemy gain'd of the particular Quarters of the 
English Officers, notwithstanding their Supplying the 
King's Troops with Provisions, and the Curtesy of their 
Behavior to 'era. before this Surprize, and their professions 
of being sorry for it afterwards seems to shew the neces- 
sity of his Majesty's Keeping a strong Blockhouse there 
with a Garrison of 150 men ; And the constant ill behavior 
of the Inhabitants of Schiegnecto seems to make another 
Blockhouse with a like Garrison there equally necessary, 
as I at first propos'd to your Grace from Louisbourg ; and 
these two with a Fort and Garrison at Chebucto of 300 
Men at least, and the continuance of a Garrison of 300 at 


Annapolis Royal as it is at present, with a strong Block- 
house at Canso garrison'd with 100 Men would through 
the constant Correspondence that might be kept up be- 
tween the several Garrisons be an effectual Security to the 
Province against the Enemy, and oblige the Inhabitants 
in a little time to contribute towards the protection & 
Expence of the Government, and for ever frustrate any 
hopes the French could Entertain of making themselves 
Masters of it, by their constant Endeavours to Seduce the 
Inhabitants from their Allegiance ; all which would make 
Nova Scotia really His Majesty's which it seems scarcely 
to have been yet : And I would Submit it to your Grace's 
Consideration whether a Company of Rangers consisting 
of 100 Indians, or rather two Companies, consisting of 
50 each, one to be posted at the Blockhouse at Minas, 
and the other in Schiegnecto would not be of the greatest 
Service, in Scouting thro' every part of the Province and 
in the Woods upon all Emergencies (for which the Regular 
Troops are by no means fit) and particularly in preventing 
the French from Introducing Men from Canada into the 
Province by the Bay Vert ; I. think the great Service which 
Lieu* Colonel Gorham's Company of Eangers has been 
of to the Garrison at Annapolis Eoyal, is a demonstration 
of the Usefulness of such a Corps, besides that it may be 
a means of bringing Indians out of the French Interest 
into his Majesty's Service, and go far towards reclaiming 
'em in general ; especially if (as I have before propos'd 
for your Grace's Consideration) two Trading or Truck 
Houses were to be maintain'd one at Minas, and the other 
at Chiegnecto, for supplying the Indians with all neces- 
saries in Exchange for furrs, and proper presents were 
made to 'em in the manner which the French use to Keep 
'em in their Interest. 

" And if your Grace would allow me the Freedom to offer 
my Sentiments concerning what appears to me to be farther 
necessary for putting this important Province of Nova Sco- 
tia (I think I may justly call it the most important to the 
Crown of any upon this Continent) in Security, I sho'd pro- 
pose one of His Majesty's Arm'd Sloops (or Snows) with a 


Tender to be constantly employ'd in the Bay of Fundy for 
visiting all parts of it upon every occasion, as well as the 
several Harbours on the Cape Sable Coast ; and one of his 
Majesty's Frigates to be employ'd for the protection of the 
Fishery at Canso (as was always usual in time of peace) 
which together with a Tender would also be of great Ser- 
vice in duly attending the Bay Verte, upon every Occasion, 
and likewise visiting the Coast of Accadie (or Cape Sables) 
besides protecting the Fishery. 

" Since writing the last Paragraph I have heard of some 
other particular circumstances, which make it very suspi- 
cious that several of the Inhabitants at least of Minas knew 
of the Enemy's Motions, & I find that it is the general 
Opinion of the Officers that they did. 

" I am with the most dutiful Regard, 
" My Lord Duke, 

" Your Grace's most devoted, 
" & most humble Servant 



" Since finishing Governour Knowles's, & my joint Letter 
to your Grace, I have learn'd from one of the English Pris- 
oners just Arriv'd from Schiegnecto in Exchange for one 
of the French Prisoners sent by me from Boston, and who 
was carry 'd Captive from Minas, where he was taken by the 
Enemy in the late Surprize, that when the Canadeans went 
from Minas to Schiegnecto they march'd out of the Grand 
Pre about 500, but were reduc'd to about 350 before they 
reach'd Schiegnecto, by several of their party's leaving 'em 
at every great Village in Minas, thro' which they pass'd 
which makes it Evident that 150 of the Inhabitants of that 
District had Join'd the Canadeans in their late Attack upon 
the English at Grand Pre, and may Serve farther to shew 
your Grace the imminent Danger of all the Inhabitants of 
Minas's still Joining the Enemy, unless speedy measures 


are taken for driving the Canadeans out of the Country, 
aud Securing the fidelity of the Inhabitants in some better 
manner than it is at present ; and how opportunely the 
forces sent last Winter from hence to Annapolis, and the 
Assurances I took the liberty of sending the Nova Scotians 
that those, who behav'd as good Subjects, sho'd have His 
Majesty's protection in their Estates, arriv'd there for 
saving the whole District of Minas from an open Revolt. 

"This fluctuating State of the Inhabitants of Accadie 
seems, my Lord, naturally to arise from their finding a 
want of due protection from His Majesty's Government; 
and their Apprehensions that the French will soon be Mas- 
ters of the Province, which their repeated Attempts every 
year for the Eeduction of His Majesty's Fort at Annapolis 
Royal, and the Appearance of the late Duke D'Anville's 
Squadron from France upon their Coast with that View 
strongly Impress upon 'em, as does also the Residence of 
the Enemy in the Province, and the Sollicitations of their 
own Priests; and to this, I believe, may be added some 
Jealousy, which the Enemy and Priests are for ever instill- 
ing into 'em, that the English want only a safe Opportunity 
of driving all the French Inhabitants off their Settlements ; 
which tho' M^ Mascarene assures me that his communica- 
ting to 'em my printed Letter promising 'em His Majesty's 
protection, had so far allay'd as together with the Arrival 
of the late Detachment of Soldiers sent from hence in the 
Winter for the Defence & protection of the Province, to 
disappoint M^ de Ramsay's Attempt upon the" Inhabitants 
of Minas for bringing 'ein to an open Revolt, and to make 
him retire from Minas to Schiegnecto, yet as the hopes my 
Letter may have made 'em entertain have not been yet 
Confirm'd by Assurances of His Majesty's Royal protection 
directly from England I cant but think, there is a most 
apparant danger of Nova Scotia's being soon lost, if the 
Expedition against Canada should not proceed this year, 
nor any Measures be taken, or particular Orders be sent by 
His Majesty for Securing the Province against the Enemy & 
strengthening his Government among the Inhabitants, For 
I perceive that the General Assembly of this Province, from 


whence only the Succours & Support which His Majesty's 
Garrison at Annapolis Royal has hitherto received for the 
Protection & Defence of Nova Scotia, have been sent, are 
tir'd of having 'em drawn wholly from their own people, 
and despair of its being effectual without His Majesty's 
more immediate Interposition for the protection of that pro- 
vince ; And I look upon it as a very happy Incident, that I 
had it in my power to send M^ Mascarene the Support, I 
did the last Winter, and beginning of the Spring, out of the 
Levies rais'd for the Expedition against Canada, which I 
insisted upon doing as they were in His Majesty's Pay (tho' 
rais'd for another Service) but should not have been able to 
do it (I believe) had it depended wholly upon the Consent 
of the Assembly, tho' generally well dispos'd for His 
Majesty's Service." 


"As you and M' Warren have represented, That an 
Opinion prevailed amongst the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, 
That It was intended to remove Them from their Settle- 
ments and Habitations in that Province ; And as that Re- 
port may probably have been artfully spread amongst Them 
in order to induce Them to withdraw Themselves from 
their Allegiance to His Majesty, and to take Part with 
the Enemy ; His Majesty thinks it necessary, That proper 
measures should be taken, to remove any such ill-grounded 
Suggestions ; and, for that Purpose, It is the King's Pleas- 
ure, That you should declare in some publick and authen- 
tick manner to His Majesty's Subjects, Inhabitants of that 
Province, That there is not the least Foundation for any 
Apprehension of that nature; But That, on the contrary, 
It is His Majesty's Resolution to protect, and maintain, all 
such of Them as shall continue in their Duty, and Allegi- 
ance to His Majesty, in the quiet & peaceable Possession of 
their respective Habitations, and Settlements And That 
They shall continue to enjoy the free Exercise of their 


" His Majesty did propose to have signed a Proclamation 
to the purport above mentioned and to have transmitted 
it to you, to have been published in Nova Scotia ; But as 
the Advices, that have been received here, of a Body of 
the New England Troops, which were advanced to Menis 
having been surprised by a Party of the French Canadeans 
and their Indians, and having been either cut off, or taken 
Prisoners; And the great Probability there is, That this 
Misfortune could not have happened to that Body of Troops, 
without the Assistance or, at least, Connivance of the In- 
habitants of Nova Scotia ; make it very difficult to fix the 
Terms of the intended Proclamation; His Majesty thinks 
it more advisable to leave it to you to make such a Declara- 
tion in His Name, as you shall be of Opinion, the present 
Circumstances of the Province may require." 


"I have nothing to add to my Letters, which I have 
lately transmitted to your Grace, except that M? de Ramsay 
is still at Chiegnecto with his party in Expectation of a 
Reinforcement from Canada, and the Arrival of an Arma- 
ment from France, and that he has not thought fit to ven- 
ture again to Manis [Mines'], but insists in his Messages to 
the Inhabitants there that they should look upon themselves 
as Subjects to the French King since the New England Troops 
were oblig'd to retire out of their District by Capitulation, 
but that this has had no Effect upon the Inhabitants, the 
Reinforcement, which I sent there afterwards, having taken 
repossession of Manis, and hoisted the King's Flagg there, 
and the Deputies of Manis having thereupon renew'd their 
Oaths of Fidelity to His Majesty at Annapolis Royal ; I 
continue the last Reinforcement at the Garrison still for 
the Security of that and Manis ; But it is not strong enough 
to drive the French from Schiegnecto, it being suspected 
that the Inhabitants of that District, who were ever re- 
fractory to His Majesty's Government, would not scruple to 

VOL. II. 23 


Join the Enemy in case of an attack upon 'em ; And I could 
not think it adviseable for me to send all the Forces, which 
I had rais'd for the Expedition against Canada within this 
Government upon another Service (as I must have done to 
have been strong enough to force the Enemy out of Sehieg- 
necto after the Action at Minas) when I was in daily Ex- 
pectation of receiving His Majesty's Commands concerning 
the prosecution of the intended expedition, and besides, 
the Assembly, which has been at a great Expence for the 
raising of the men for the service of the Expedition only, 
strongly insisted upon my reserving 1500 of 'em to go against 
Crown Point, as your Grace will perceive by the inclos'd 
Copy of their Answer to my Message ; However the several 
Reinforcements, which I did send to Annapolis, have pre- 
serv'd the Garrison and province from falling into the Ene- 
mys hands the last year, and not only made the Enemy quit 
Manis, but still Confine 'em to Schiegnecto ; and had the 
"Rhode Island & New Hampshire Troops Join'd the Massa- 
chusetts Forces at Manis, as was propos'd, and both those 
Governments promis'd me they should, and one of the Mas- 
sachusetts Companies had not been lost in their passage, 
we should have been strong enough (I am perswaded) to 
have drove the Enemy the last Winter quite out of the 
Province of Nova Scotia : As it is, I doubt not, if no Arma- 
ment arrives from France, we shall be able to keep 'em out 
of Annapolis and Manis till I receive His Majesty's Com- 
mands, which I am in daily Expectation of, and will, I 
hope, Enable me to take effectual Measures for getting rid 
of the Enemy and Securing the Province against their 
Attempts for the future." 



" Since my last to your Grace, I have Accounts from 
Nova Scotia, that the French have rais'd a Battery of Nine 
Guns on the back of Schiegnecto to oppose the landing of 
Forces from Bay Verte, that they were also building a Fort 


& had landed Cannon & Mortars there, which they were 
now hawling by Land, and may use either for Fortifying 
that District, or transport from thence to Annapolis Koyal 
for the Reduction of his Majesty's Garrison; There has 
been likewise further Accounts from thence that the In- 
habitants were in Expectation of 1000 Men from Canada, 
which together with the Indians & People of Schiegnecto, 
& some of Manis, it is said, would make up M- De Ramsay's 
Party 5000, who were then to proceed against Annapolis ; 
and that three large French Ships of Force had been seen 
in Bay Verte, viz', two from Canada & one from France and 
landed Troops & Stores. These Accounts gain Credit the 
more easily as it seems not to be doubted, but that the 
French have the Reduction of Nova Scotia extremely at 
heart, and will be continually making some Attempt or 
other against it, whilst the Warr lasts ; and I am sorry to 
find by a Message lately sent me from the Assembly de- 
siring I would recall the Soldiers, I last sent to Annapolis, 
that they seem out of heart about the effectual Preservation 
of it from the Enemy. Should the French gain it by any 
sudden Stroke, I am pers waded, they would be so strong 
there by the Addition of all the Inhabitants to their other 
Forces, as well as the Numbers they would draw from 
Canada, & by immediate Fortifications of it, that it would 
require a very considerable Armament & Number of Troops 
to recover it from 'em ; which makes me think it my Indis- 
pensable Duty to trouble your Grace with so frequent a 
Repetition of my Apprehensions concerning it. The enemy 
may indeed be now look'd upon as Masters of Scheignecto 
which Place it is evident they are busy in fortifying ; & 
would have been so likewise of Manis by this time, had 
they not been oblig'd to withdraw their Troops from thence 
last Fall by the Arrival of the Detachments, I sent there." 


" I shall now take the Liberty to submit to your Grace's 
Consideration the most practicable Scheme, that occurs to 


me at present for effectually driving & keeping the Cana- 
deans out of Nova Scotia; viz 4 , if M* Knowles when the 
Season is too far advanc'd for the French to make an At- 
tempt from France against Louisbourg, should detach 1000 
Men out of that Garrison to be join'd by 2000 from New 
England at Annapolis Royal, and from thence to proceed 
to Schiegnecto ; that Force would, I apprehend, drive the 
Enemy off, and easily make us Masters of all the Inhabi- 
tants of that District, who seem to have ever been so deeply 
engaged on the Side of the Enemy as to make 'em forfeit 
all pretence of right to hold their Possessions ; and if the 
2000 New England Men were to share among 'em that 
District upon Condition of their setling there with their 
Families in such a defensible manner as they should be 
directed to do, and the french Inhabitants of that District 
were to be transplanted into New England, and distributed 
among the four Governments there ; That I apprehend 
might be a Settlement of the District of Schiegnecto strong 
enough to keep the Canadeans out, and to defend them- 
selves against the Indians ; and the Inhabitants of the two 
other Districts of Nova Scotia, viz'. Menis & Annapolis, 
being thus lock'd up between the Settlement in Schiegnecto 
at one End, and his Majesty's Garrison at the other, and 
aw'd by the removal of the french Inhabitants of Schieg- 
necto from off their Lands, would be constantly held to 
their good behaviour, and by Intermarriages & the spreading 
of the English Settlement from Schiegnecto, the whole Pro- 
vince, or at least the greatest part of it, might in two or 
three Generations become English Protestants I would 
add that such an Exchange of the present Inhabitants of 
Schiegnecto for New England Men, would make up to the 
four Colonies of New England the Loss of the Families pro- 
pos'd to be remov'd from thence to Nova Scotia upon this 
Occasion, hinder Canada's being strengthened by the Expul- 
sion of the French from their Possessions, & prevent the 
English Settlement at Schiegnecto from being harrass'd by 
their continual Attempts to recover their former Lands ; 
And the Encouragement given to the New England Men by 
the propos'd Distribution of the Lands among 'em would 


besides make the raising of 2000 Men for this Service much 
more practicable, & less expensive to the Crown. 

" Upon the whole, my Lord, if the War continues, unless 
some measures are very suddenly taken for the better Se- 
curity of Nova Scotia, there seems to be great danger that 
that Province will not long remain his Majesty's. 
" I am with the most dutiful regard, 

" My Lord Duke, 
" Your Grace's most devoted and 
"most Obedient Servant 




"The French Declaration, of which the inclos'd is a 
Copy, did not come to my hands till I had finished the 
letter, w" h accompanies it : And I send it your Grace, as 
it may serve to shew the Views of the French with respect 
to Accadie, the Dependance they have upon the Disposi- 
tions of the Inhabitants, what advantage they propos'd 
to themselves from the New England Levies under the 
Command of the late Lieuten^ Col. Noble's quitting Menis 
by Capitulation, and the necessity there was of my sending 
the last Detachment of soldiers to M' Mascarene to take 
repossession of Menis, and make the Inhabitants of it 
renew their oath of fidelity to his Majesty; which had 
its desir'd Effect. 

" I am with the most Dutifull regard 
" My Lord Duke, 

"Your Grace's Most Devoted, 
" and Most Obedient Humble Servant 



" The general Inclination which, the french Inhabitants 
of Nova Scotia have to the french Interest, proceeds from 


their Ties of Consanguinity to the French of Canada, but 
more especially from those of their Religion, which last 
seems to put 'em greatly under the Influence of their 
Priests, who continually receive their Directions from the 
Bishop of Quebeck, & are the Instruments, by which the 
Governour of Canada makes all his Attempts for the Re- 
duction of the Province to the french Crown, & Keeps the 
Indians of Nova Scotia (commonly called the Cape Sable 
Indians) in their Dependence upon him ; particular In- 
stances of which may be given in the first Body of French 
& Indians, which attack'd the King's Garrison soon after 
the Declaration of the present War 's being headed by a 
Priest of Nova Scotia; and the principal Part in giving 
Intelligence to the Enemy, maintaining the Correspondence 
between Canada and Nova Scotia, assembling Cape Sable 
Indians, & influencing such of the Inhabitants as had 
joined with or assisted the Enemy, has been manag'd 
by another Priest of that Province ; Other Instances of 
this Kind might be given, as particularly the Attempt 
to bring the Inhabitants into Revolt soon after the late 
Surprize at Menis by endeavouring to influence 'em with 
the Authority of the Bishop of Quebeck pronouncing 'em 
to be free from their Oath of Allegiance to his Majesty. 
But I shall content myself with observing to your Grace 
only one piece of Policy made use of by the french Priests 
in Nova Scotia for preserving the whole Body of the Peo- 
ple intirely french, and Roman Catholick's, viz', forbidding 
all Intermarriages with the English under Pain of Excom- 
munication, (of which I am informed there has been one 
or two late Instances in actual Excommunication upon this 
Occasion) & which has had so general an Effect as to pre- 
vent the Settlement of any one English Family within the 
Province, from the first Reduction of it to the present 
time, tho' some have attempted to setle in the Country; 
& to Keep out Inter-marriages between the French & his 
Majesty's English Subjects, as that I never heard of any 
one Instance besides the before mentioned ones ; And I 
would humbly submit it to your Grace's Consideration if 
the free Exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and an 


unlimited Toleration of Roman Priests in Nova Scotia 
should continue to have the same Effect in that Colony for 
the next succeeding forty years, as it has had within these 
last forty; the Inhabitants there are suffered to remain 
a distinct Body of French in the Neighbourhood of Canada, 
with the Ties of Consanguinity & Religion between them 
& the Canadeans still growing stronger, untill they double 
or perhaps treble their Number (the French of Canada 
likewise at the same time increasing their Strength & 
Numbers) whether it may not prove in the End cherishing 
a Colony of Inhabitants for the subversion of the King's 
Government in it, & the strengthening of the french Inter- 
est upon the Continent. 

" The Treaty of Utrecht, my Lord, by which the cession 
of Accadie (or Nova Scotia) with its Inhabitants was made 
to the Crown of Great Britain does not seem to lay his 
Majesty under an Obligation to allow the french Inhabi- 
tants the Exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion ; and 
as his Majesty is as yet under no Promise to do it, I should 
hope that Methods might be found for weakening the Ties 
of Consanguinity & Religion between even the present 
Generation of the french inhabitants of Nova Scotia & 
those of Canada, by beginning new ones between his 
Majesty's English & french subjects there, and at the 
same time controuling the pernicious Power of the Romish 
Priests over the french Inhabitants & the Indians of that 
Province, which may possibly be cut off or at least ob- 
structed by his Majesty's making a Promise to continue 
the french Inhabitants in the free Exercise of their 

"Wherefore as his Majesty has been pleas'd to refer 
it to my Opinion to fix the Terms of the Declaration, which 
he has commanded me to make in his Name to the Inhabi- 
tants of Nova Scotia; whereby it became my Duty to 
avoid every thing in it, which appear'd to me to have 
a Tendency to disserve his Government within that Prov- 
ince, I have taken the Liberty to suspend promissing 'em 
the free Exercise of the Romish Religion, tho' it is men- 
tion'd in your Grace's Letter to have been part of what 


was at first propos'd to have been included in his Majesty's 
intended Proclamation, till I could transmit iny Sentiments 
to your Grace, and I should have his Majesty's farther 
Directions upon it ; & have in the mean time made a 
Declaration of such Points, as seem'd necessary to be 
ascertained to the Inhabitants for quieting their Minds, 
& would not admit of Delay. 

" I might mention to your Grace some local Reasons 
for my Omitting in the Declaration what I have done, but 
shall not presume to trouble you with any -but what I 
thought it my indispensable Duty to lay before your 

" I am with the most dutiful Regard 
" My Lord Duke, 

" Your Grace's most Devoted 
" and most Obedient Servant 





Abenakis, Indians, the, living in Maine, 
i. 34; active in William and Mary's 
War, i. 34; their treacherous peace 
with Governor Dudley, i. 34; attack 
the towns of Wells, Casco, etc., i. 40- 
47 ; troops sent by Governor Dudley 
for defence against them, i. 47; join 
in an attack on Deerfield, i. 53, 58 ; 
march with their captives away from 
Deerfield, i. 65-74; considered in the 
Treaty of Utrecht, i. 178 ; to be trans- 
ported to Isle Royale, i. 181; burn the 
village of Brunswick, i. 230 ; conclude 
a treaty of peace, i. 245; join in war- 
parties" from Montreal, ii. 232; pro- 
pose an attack upon Fort Massachu- 
setts, to Rigaud, ii. 251 ; they attack 
the fort, ii. 259; their humane treat- 
ment of the prisoners, ii. 266; their 
general devastation of villages in the 
Hoosac vallev, ii. 267. 

Abercrombie, Captain, sent with sum- 
mons for the surrender of Port Roval, 
i. 147. 

Acadia, Province of, embraced Nova 
Scotia and New Brunswick, i. 106 ; 
a governor appointed for, i. 106; its 
people deprived of their fishing by 
privateers, i. 107; they fight the 
Massachusetts privateers, i. 108 ; the 
conquest of, i. 149; offers made by 
Louis XIV. to retain, i. 178; creeds 
and politics at, i. 185; the population 
of, i. 191 ; neglected by Kngland, i. 
191, 192; France endeavors to re- 
possess, i. 192; its boundaries dis- 
puted, i. 204; Governor Shirley urges 
the protection of, ii. 186; troops sent 
by Governor Shirley to protect, ii. 

Acadian missionaries labor against the 
British Government, i. 193 ; their 
political work, i. 194; complaints of 
English governors against them, i. 
194, 195. 

Acadians, their migration to Isle Royale 
desired, '. 182; their oath to Queen 
Anne, i. 183; induced to migrate, i. 
187; their freedom of worship, i. 192; 
refuse oath of allegiance to George I., 
i. 198, 199; the proclamation of Gen- 
eral Philipps concerning their oath, i. 
198; their oath of allegiance to George 
II., i. 201 ; their child-like dependence, 
i. 202; divided in sentiment between 
their allegiance to the French or Eng- 
lish, ii 188; made British subjects by 
the Treaty of Utrecht, ii. 190; known 
as "Neutral French," ii. 190; their 
illiteracy, social quality, population, 
etc., ii. 190, 191; incited to insurrec- 
tion by the French, ii. 192; excited at 
the appearance of D'Anville's fleet, 
ii. 192; Governor Shirley's plan con- 
cerning them, ii. 193, 194 and note, 
195; proposal of Governor Shirley 
to exclude French priests, ii. 195; 
and convert them to Protestantism, 
ii. 197; Ramesay endeavors to excite 
them to insurrection, ii. 198; threat- 
ened by Ramesay against intercourse 
with the English, ii. 217; endeavor 
to conciliate both French and Eng- 
lish, ii. 218 and note ; ordered to take 
arms against the English, ii. 219; 
their deplorable condition, ii, 220. 

Adams, Mr., of Medfield, i. 221 note. 

Adams (East Hoosac), Mass., ii. 246. 

Addison, i. 142. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, the Peace of, signed, ii. 

Akins, Mr., i. 203 n->te. 

Alabama, i. 291. 

Alabama River, the French propose to 
buiid forts at, ii. 70. 

Albany, N.Y., i. 7, 48; the fur-trade car- 
ried on at, i. 13; a rendezvous for 
troops, i. 130; the fort at, neglected, 
ii. 226 ; Indian ravages in vicinity of, 
ii. 229. 

Aldrich, John, wounded in defending 
Fort Massachusetts, ii. 259; on the 



march as a prisoner of war from Fort 
Massachusetts, ii. 266. 

Alexander VI., Pope, i. 294. 

Alexander, Deacon Ebenezer, fortifies 
his house at Northfield against Indian 
attack, ii. 246. 

Alford, John, mentioned, ii. 133. 

Algonkins, Indians, join in war-parties 
from Montreal, ii. 232. 

Allein, , at Port Royal, i. 113. 

Allen, , killed at Deerfield by In- 
dians, ii. 264. 

Allen, Eunice, Samuel, and Caleb, chil- 
dren attacked by Indians at Deer- 
field, ii. 264. 

Allen's River, i. 108, 123, 146. 

Allison, widow, living at Deerfield, i.56. 

Allouez, Jesuit missionary at St- Louis, 
i. 316. 

Alton Bay, meeting of an Indian war- 
party at, i. 92. 

" Amazoue," French war-ship, ii. 176. 

America, the extent of territory claimed 
by the British provinces of, ii. 63 ; the 
claim of France to, ii. 68. 

American colonies, their part in the 
War of the Spanish Succession, i. 1. 

Amesbury, annoyed by Indians, i. 95. 

Aruherst, General, mentioned, ii. 125, 
126, 269 note. 

Amsden, , a boy killed at Deerfield 

bv Indians, ii. 264. 

AndVos, Sir Edmond, mentioned, i. 101. 

Androscoggin Indians, pretended peace 
with Governor Dudley, i. 35. 

Ann, Cape, i. 234. 

Annapolis, an uprising of the Acadians 
at, i. 184; the government at, a mock- 
ery, i. 190; neglected by England, i. 
19*1 ; attacked by the French under 
Duvivier, ii. 80. 

Annapolis River, i. 109, 122. 

Anne, Queen, mentioned, i. 101, 183; 
receives some Mohawk chiefs, i. 142; 
concerning the emigrants at Acadia, 
i. 186. 

Anne, Fort, i. 135. 

Anson, Admiral of an English fleet, ii. 

Anticosti, Inland of, i. 165. 

Appleton, Colonel William, makes at- 
tack upon Port Royal, i. 122. 

Archives of Massachusetts, i. 55 note. 

"Ardent," a war-ship at Louisbourg, 
ii. 81. 

"Argonaut," French war-ship, ii. 176. 

Arickaras, Indians on the Missouri, ii. 
15 11 1'ti-. 

Arkansas Indians, ii. 11. 

Arkansas River, ii. 5, 22. 

Armstrong, Lieutenant-Colonel and 
Govemor, at Annapolis, L 191; men- 

tioned, i. 193 ; quoted concerning the 
Acadian missionaries, i. 194, 195; 
endeavors to persuade the Acadians 
to allegiance, i. 200. 

Arnold, Benedict, mentioned, i. 205. 

Ash, Thomas, killed at siege of Louis- 
bourg, ii. 127. 

Ashuelot River, ii. 230. 

Assagunticooks, join in a council to 
meet Governor Shute, i. 216. 

Assembly, the, of Massachusetts, refuse 
Governor Shute means to conciliate 
the Indians, i. 230. 

Assembly, of New York, opposition to 
the wa'r-plaiis of Governor Clinton, ii. 

Assinniboin River, ii. 36. 

Assinniboins, Indians of the West, ii. 
30, 33, 35, 36 ; join La Verendrye in 
his search for the Pacific, ii. 36.* 

Atkinson, Mr., envoy from New Hamp- 
shire to Vaudrcuil. i. 243. 

Augusta, Me., a stone fort built at, i. 

" Auguste." ship wrecked at Cape Bre- 
ton, ii. 62. 

Auneau, Jesuit, a member of La Ve 1 - 
rendrye's party, ii. 33. 

Austrian Succession, War of the, breaks 
out, ii. 78. 

Avery, John, on committee to protect 
the settlement of Number Four, ii. 

Avon River, ii. 206. 

Ayllon, Vasquez de, ii. 67 note. 


Bacon, Daniel, a captain in Pepperrell's 
army, ii. 138 note. 

Bacouel, village of, ii. 204. 

"Badine," frigate,!. 290. 

Baker, , escapes from Indian cap- 
tivity, i. 83. 

Baker, Lieutenant, killed at Grand Pre", 
i. 118. 

Baker, Miss Alice C., paper on John 
Sheldon, by, cited, i. 85 note ; ex- 
tracts of baptism of captives in Can- 
ada, i. 86 note. 

Bancroft. Robert Hale, ii. 107 note. 

Bangor, i. 235. 

Bank, Captain Louis, sent from London 
with French colonists, i. 292. 

Banks, Lieutenant, secures the ransom 
of Elisha Plaisted from the Indians, 
i. 60. 

Baptiste. Captain, a noted sea-rover, i. 
77; released bv English governor in 
exchange for Rev. John Williams, i. 



Barachois, a pond near Louisbourg, ii. 

Barnard, Rev. John, chaplain in ex- 
pedition, to Port Royal, i. 121 note ; 
attempts a plan of the fort, i. 124 ; 
takes part in a skirmish, i. 126. 

Barrett, Ensign John, his personal 
property, i. 40. 

Barren, FJias, a member of Lovewell's 
expedition, i. 256. 

Barrot, surgeon of the colony of Loui- 
siana, i. 297. 

Bartlett. J. R., cited, i. 142 note. 

Basin of Mines, Acadia, concerning the 
migration of its people, i. 189. 

Bastide, , English engineer at Lou- 
isbourg, ii. 125. 

" Bastonnais " (Bostonians), their trade 
with the Acadians, i. 111. 

Batten Kill River, on the Hudson River, 
ii. 226 , known as la riviere de Sara- 
toyue, ii. 253. 

Baxter, Rev. Joseph, intended to teach 
the Eastern Indians, i. 216; his cor- 
respondence with Sebastien Rale, i. 
220, 221; his preaching to the Nor- 
ridgewocks, i. 220; his mission a 
failure, i. 222. 

Bayagoula Indians, on the Mississippi, 
i. 291. 

Bay Verte, a fort built at, ii. 192. 

Bay of Biscav, ii. 175. 

Bay of Fundy, i. 1 18, 199. 

Bean, Lieutenant, sent to attack Nor- 
ridgewock, i. 236. 

Beaubas.-un, Sieur de, a French officer 
in Indian attack at Casco, i. 43.44 ; 
quoted concerning Indian warfare, 
i. 98 ; sent to defend Lighthouse 
Point from the English invasion, 
ii. 142; joins Rigaud's war-party, 
ii. 254, mentioned, ii. 309. 

Beaubassin (Chignecto), an Acadian 
settlement, attacked by Colonel 
Church, i. 119; Ramesay's troops 
quartered at, ii. 202; Kamesay m 
possession of, ii. 219. 

Beaucour, French officer in command 
of a war-party, i. 91. 

Beauharnois, Charles, Marquis de, 
governor of Canada, averse to at- 
tacking the Outagamies, i. 325; 
quoted, i. 328 note, 332 note; men- 
tioned, ii. 28, 155, 156; promotes 
La Ve'rendrye's enterprise, ii. 31, 34; 
succeeded by Galissoniere as gov- 
ernor, ii. 56; threatens the destruc- 
tion of the trading-house at Oswego, 
ii. 73; quoted concerning Acadia, 
ii. 188. 

Beauharnois, Fort, the Sioux mission 
at, ii. 28. 

Beaujen, , journal cited, ii. 187, 

note ; the hero of the Monongahela, ii. 
202; in Ramesay's expedition, ii. 202 ; 
assists in attack on Grand Pre 1 , ii. 207; 
commands Coulon de Villiers' party 
after his death, ii. 211 ; renders val- 
uable assistance to La Corne, ii. 212; 
reports the French and English losses 
at Grand Pr, ii. 215; account of 
attentions paid by the English after 
the capitulation "at Grand Pre", ii. 
216; his account of the French vic- 
tory cited, ii. 217 note. 

Beauport, the seignio v y of, i. 22. 

Beaurain, Chevalier de, Memoire cited, 
ii. 8 note. 

Becancour, an Abenaki mission, i. 208. 

Bedford, Duke of. concerning the re- 
moval of I he Acadians, ii. 193. 

Begon, Intendant cited, i. 196, note. 

Belknap, , History of New Hamp- 
shire cited, i. 44 note, 226 note, 253 
note, ii. 83 note, 161 note. 

"Bell of St. Regis," the story of, i. 88, 

Belleisle, Madame de, at Port Roval, 
i. 113. 

Bellomont, Lord, mentioned, i. 4, 7; 
quoted concerning the Five Nations, 
i. 9. 

Bennett, Captain, i. 194. 

Berkshire, Valley of, Massachusetts 
settlements made in, ii. 245. 

Berwick, Me., attacked by Indians, 

* i. 46, 95. 

Bienville, Le Moyne de, with Iber- 
ville, in his exploration to Louisiana, 
i. 291 ; proceeds to explore the Mis- 
sissippi River, i. 292; encounters a 
party of French colonists, i. 292; de- 
ceives them into abandoning their 
project, i. 293; accusations against 
him at Mobile, i. 296; governor of 
the colony of Louisiana, i. 297; suc- 
ceeded by La Mothe-Cadillac, i. 298; 
reappointed governor of Louisiana, i. 
307; recalled to France, i. 309; again 
made governor of Louisiana, r. 311 ; 
resignation of, i. 312; called the 
father of Louisiana, 5. 312; his disas- 
trous attempt at fighting the Chicka- 
saws, i. 312; mentioned, ii. 9; orders 
a fort built on Missouri River, ii. 14; 
sends a party to explore in New 
Mexico, ii. 22. 

Big Horn Range of Rocky Mountains, 
11. 50, 51 note. 

Bigot, Francois, intendant at Canada, 
ii.57; quoted, ii. 116 note, 140 note, 
126; quoted concerning the siege of 
Louisbourg, ii. 128, 149; mentioned, 
ii. 287. 



Billerica, joins in Lovewell's expedi- 
tion, i. 250. 

Biloxi, a fort built at, by Iberville, 
i. 292. 

Bishop of Quebec, i. 187. 

Blackhawk, chief of the Sacs and Foxes, 
i. 333. 

Black Hills, ii. 8, 43. 

Black Point, Me., men murdered and 
captured by Indians at, i. 46. 

Blake, Nathan, captured by Indians at 
Keene, ii. 231. 

Blenheim, i. 157. 

Blue Earth River, ii. 6. 

Board of Trade of New York, i. 6. 

Bobe 1 , Father, the claims of France to 
American territory as set forth by, 
ii. 65-68; his advice to France 
towards securing territory in Amer- 
ica, ii. 70. 

Bodmer, Charles, painted a group of 
Sacs and Foxes, Indians, i. 333 and 

Boisbriant, Pierre Dugue* de, comman- 
der of garrison at Mobile, i. 296 ; 
commandant at the Illinois, i. 317, 
ii. 15 ; built Fort Chartres, i. 318. 

Boishebert, in Ramesay's expedition, 
ii. 202; a member of Ramesay's ex- 
pedition, guards the roads to Grand 
Pre', ii. 205; assists in the attack upon 
Grand I're, ii. 211. 

Bol'an, William, urges the claim of 
Massachusetts in England for reim- 
bursement for the cost of taking 
Louisbourg, ii. 160; to Secretary Wil- 
lard, cited, ii. 160, note. 

Bomazeen, Captain, an Indian chief, 
i. 35, 50; his wife captured, i. 236. 

Bonaventure, Captain, concerning Bos- 
ton traders, i. 104, note; acting gov- 
ernor at Port Royal, i. Ill and note; 
charges made against him, i. 112. 

Bonaventure, priest, i. 187. 

Bonnventure, Madame de, at breakfast 
of the English officers, i. 148. 

Bonavista, Newfoundland, i. 127. 

Bonner, Captain, a pilot in Walker's 
expedition, i. 163. 

Borland, an illicit trader, i. 103. 

Boston, plan of the French to destroy, 
i. 3; plan of Le Moyne d' Iberville to 
destroy, i. 3; plan of Baron de Saint- 
Castin to attack, i. 4 note ; accused 
of illicit trade with the French of 
Acadia, i. 103; troops encamped at, 
awaiting an attack on Canada, i. 138 ; 
arrival of British squadron at, i. 144; 
preparations for the attack on Port 
Roval, i. 144; warned of the designs 
of British ministry, i. 153; must be re- 
duced, i. 155 and note; arrival of a 

fleet at, designed to attack Canada, i. 
158 and note ; preparations at, to join 
in Walker's Canada expedition,!. 161 
and note ; friends of the Indians at, i. 
214 ; sends reinforcement to the fort 
at Annapolis, ii. 82; the news of the 
surrender of Louisbourg received 
in, ii. 158 ; arrival of the chests of 
money from England as payment of 
the cost of taking of Louisbourg, 
ii. 160; alarmed at the expected 
coming of a French fleet, ii. 173. 

Boston Gazette, cited, ii. 117 note. 

Boston News Letter, i. 149 note. 

" Boston Packet," a war-ship, ii. 101. 

Boucher, Marie, marriage of, to Rend 
Gaultier de Varennes, ii. 29. 

Boucher, Pierre, governor of Three 
Rivers, ii. 29. 

Boularderie, a French officer at Louis- 
bourg, killed, ii. 115. 

Bourbon, Fort, built by La Ve'rendrye, 
ii. 35. 

Bourgmont, , sent by West India 

Company to river Missouri, ii. 15; 
built Fort Orleans on river Missouri, 
ii. 15; his journey to Comanche vil- 
lages, ii. 15 ; makes a second visit to 
the Comanches, and holds a council, 
ii. 17 ; his meeting with the Comanche 
chiefs, ii. 19; makes a treaty of alli- 
ance with them, ii. 20; returns to 
Fort Orleans, ii. 21. 

Bourke, Captain John G., ii. 62 note. 

Bourne, Ed E., History of Wells, Me., 
cited, i. 40 note, ii. 99 note. 

Bow Indians, Gens de L'Arc, visit of 
the brothers Le Ve'rendrye to them, 
ii. 46. 

Bradley, Joseph, the house of, attacked 
by Indians, i. 46 ; his wife captured, 
i. 47. 

Bradstreet, Colonel John, proposed the 
attack upon Louisbourg, ii. 83 note ; 
reinforced Vaughan at Louisbourg, 
ii. 117. 

Brandon, Arthur, his wife and children 
killed by Indians, i. 46. 

Brattleboro', a halting-place of the In- 
dians on their retreat from Deer- 
field, i. 70. 

Brtbeuf, a Jesuit mission priest, i. 16, 
134, 207. 

Brest, D'Anville's fleet at, ii. 174. 

Breton, Cape, i. 170, 179; called Isle 
Roy ale, i. 179; offered to France, i. 
179; mentioned, ii. 62. 

Bridgman, Jonathan, wounded in the 
defence of Fort Massachusetts, ii. 259. 

British officers, how regarded in New 
England, i. 122; not pleased with 
the colonists at Boston, i. 160. 



British Provinces of America, the ex- 
tent of territory claimed by them, 
ii. 63. 

Brooktield, annoyed by Indians, i. 95. 

Brooks, , commanded the attack 

upon the island battery at Louis- 
bourg, ii. 138 ; attempts to haul down 
the French flag, ii. 139. 

Brouillan, Jacques Franpois de, gover- 
nor of Acadia, proposes a treaty with 
New England, i. 4, 5 note ; ap- 
pointed governor of Acadia, i. 106 ; 
the charges against him, i. 110; 
death of, i. 110. 

Brown, , Cape Breton, ii.113 note. 

Brown, Captain, sent to attack Nor- 
ridgewock, i. 236. 

Brown, John Carter, collection of por- 
traits, i. 142 note. 

Bruit'' Indians, a tribe of the Sioux, 
ii. 54 note. 

Brunswick, Me., i. 210; burned in re- 
venge by the Abenakis, i. 230. 

Bruyas, , Jesuit, an agent among 

th'e Five Nations, i. 9. 

Bruyere, Fabry de la, sent to explore 
in New Mexico, ii. 22. 

Brymner's Report, etc., cited, ii. 37 n. 

Bullard, John, killed in Indian attack 
at Keene, ii. 231. 

Bunker Hill, battle of, ii. 108. 

Burchett, , Secretary of the Ad- 
miralty, i. 159 note. 

Burke, , i. 263. 

Burlington, Vt., i. 73. 

Burnet, Governor, built a trading-house 
at Oswego on Lake Ontario, ii. 72. 

Burr, , his soldiers camped at Lou- 

isbourg, ii. 121. 

Bute, his coming into office, i. 176. 

Butler, Captain, officer in Nicholson's 
army, i. 170. 


Cabot, , Memoir of Emerson cited, 

ii. 97 note. 

Cabot, John, mentioned, ii. 66. 
Cabot, Sebastian, mentioned, ii. 66. 
Cadenaret, an Abenaki chief, ii. 252. 
"Caesar," a war-ship, ii. 101. 
Cahokia, a mission on the Mississippi, 

i. 317. 
Callieres, , opposes the plan of 

Cadillac for the Indians, i. 23; letters 

cited, i. 25 note, i. 26 note. 
Cambridge, a rendezvous for troops, 

i. 144. 
Canseau, fishing-station, seizure of, by 

the French Governor, Duquesnel, 

ii. 79. 

Canso, Nova Scotia, attacked by In- 
dians, i. 234. 

Canterbury; Archbishop of, i. 142. 

Canada, a scheme for the reduction of, 
i. 128-140; the possibilities of her 
conquest of New York, i. 263; her 
policy towards the Western savages 
and the Five Nations, i. 266; jeal- 
ousy of the Louisiana colony, i. 313; 
endeavors to control the Western 
posts and secure the fur-trade, i. 
315 ; the opposing influences ex- 
erted upon her pioneers, ii. 2; a 
company formed to establish a mis- 
sion among the Sioux, ii. 26; a chain 
of French posts established from, to 
Louisiana, ii. 76 ; Governor Shirlev's 
proposal to capture, ii. 167 ; the plan 
of the campaign, ii. 169; alarmed, 
prepares for defence, ii. 170, 171; 
the campaign a failure, ii. 172. 

Captives in Canada, their experience, 
release, etc., i. 80-86; baptism and 
marriage of, i. 86. 

Capuchin friars, at Tort Royal, i. 114. 

Carheil, , Jesuit missionary, men- 
tioned, i. 15, 17 ; his dispute with 
La Mothe-Cadillac, i. 18; deprived 
of his converts, i. 27. 

"Caribou," a French war-ship, ii. 81, 

Carignan, regiment of, mentioned, ii. 29. 

Carolina traders, instigate the Indians 
against the French colonists, i. 312. 

Carter, Ebenezer, ransomed from the 
Indians, i. 83. 

Carter, Marab, murdered by Indians, 
i. 62. 

Cartier, , mentioned, i. 16. 

Casco (Falmouth, Me.), a council of 
Eastern Indians meet Governor Dud- 
ley at, i. 34; Indian attack upon the 
fort at, i. 42, 43; annoyed by Indi- 
ans, i. 95. 

Casco Bay, i. 125 ; a meeting of Indi- 
ans at, to ratify the treaty, i. 246. 

Casgrain, Abbe, cited, i. 188 note. 

Casgrain, Rev. H. R., cited, i. 203 note. 

Castine, town of, Maine, i. 36. 

Catlin, Joseph, inhabitant of Deerfield, 
i. 59. 

Catlin, Mrs. John, members of her 
family killed by Indians, i. 61 ; her 
death, i. 61. 

Caughnawagas, a mission settlement of 
Mohawk and Oneida Indians, i. 11. 

Caughnawagas, Indians, their contra- 
band trade between New York and 
Canada, i. 12; join in an attack on 
Deerfield, i. 53, 58 ; they march away 
from Deerfield, i. 65-74; join a war 
party, i. 92. 



Caulfield, deputy-governor at Anna- 
poJis, i. 188; tries to induce the 
Acadians to swear allegiance to 
George I., i. 198. 

Chacornacle, , accompanies Cadil- 
lac to Detroit, i. 25. 

Chamberlain, John, said to have shot 
the Indian chief Paugus, i. 288 

Chambly, the French outpost, i. 74; 
near Montreal, i. 135; a fort built 
at, by the French, ii. 74. 

Champigny, , opposes the plan of 

Cadillac for the Indians, i. 23. 

Champlain, Lake, 1. 12, 16, 73, 130, 135, 
ii. 245. 

Chardon, missionary, his scheme con 
cerning the Outagamies, i. 325. 

Charles II., i. 129, 263. 

Charlestown, N. H., ii. 244. See Num- 
ber Four. 

Charlestown Neck, Mass., ii. 108. 

Charlevoix, Jesuit historian, quoted, i. 
44, 136 note, 207 ; quoted concerning 
the siege of Port Royal, i. 149 note ; at 
Kaskaskia, i. 316, his search for the 
Pacific Ocean, ii. 25, 26 and note. 

Chartres, Due de, mentioned, i. 318. 

Chartres. Fort, enabled the French to 
control the upper Mississippi, ii. 

Chassin, Michel de, quoted concerning 
the wives sent to Louisiana, i. 307; 
in council at "the Illinois," i. 318. 

Chateau Kicher, a Jesuit mission near 
Quebec, i. 78. 

Chaudiere River, i. 3, 205. 

"Chester,"' English war-ship, i. 145, 
163, sent to reinforce Annapolis, ii. 

Chevereaux, an Acadian missionary, 
i. 193. 

Chevry, M. de, quoted, i. 98 note. 

Chibucto (Halifax), i. 106; arrival of 
Due d'Anville at, ii. 174. 

Chickasaws, Indians, attack the colo- 
nists in Louisiana, i. 310; mentioned, 
ii. 11. 

Chignecto (Beaubassin) Acadia, con- 
cern in<r the migration of its people, 
i. 189, ii. 201. 

Chimney Point, on Lake Champlain, 
ii. 268. 

Choctaws, Indians of Mississippi, al- 
lies of the French, i. 310. 

Ch- ke-Oherry Indians, a band of the 
Sioux, ii 5~4 and note. 

Chris iiin, a Molmwk, in the attack on 
NoiTKL'ttwock, i. 238. 

Church. Colonel Benjamin, sent on ex- 
pedition by Governor Dudley, i. 17; 
inhabitant of Deerfield, i. 59; his 

scheme of retaliation for Deerfield, 
i. 116; attacks Canadians at Passa- 
maquoddy Bav, i. 118; attacks Grand 
Ptf, i. 118; at Port Royal, i. 119. 

Church, Entertaining Passages, cited, 
i. 119 note. 

Cimarron River, ii. 22. 

Clark, Fort, on the Missouri River, ii. 

Cleaves, Benjamin, his journal cited, ii. 
161 note. 

Clement, , complained of for selling 

liquor to the Indians, ii. 228. 

Clesson, Lieutenant. 

Clinton, Governor, induced the Iroquois 
to join in the invasion of Canada, ii. 
222; his enemy, Chief-Justice James 
De Lancey, ii. 222; hampered in his 
war-plans by the Assembly of New 
York, ii. 223; his complaints to the 
Duke of Newcastle concerning the 
Assembly, ii. 225. 

Clock, George, complained of for sell- 
ing liquor to the Indians, ii. 229. 

Cobb, Captain Sylvanus, sails into Chi- 
bucto harbor to spy upon the French 
fleet, ii. 180. 

Cobequid (Truro), a missionary station, 
ii. 202, 204, 216. 

Cobequid Bav, ii. 205. 

Cockerill, Th'omas, i. 132 note. 

Coffin, an illicit trader, i. 103. 

Colbert, , i. 2. 

Cole, Isaac, killed by Indians, i. 49. 

Collections of Maine Historical Society, 
cited, ii. 217 note. 

Collections of New Hampshire Histor- 
ical Society, ii. 244 note. 

Collections of Nova Scotia Historical 
Society, cited, i. 129 note; i. 147 

Collections of Wisconsin Historical 
Socitty, cited, i. 332 note. 

Colombiere, in Ramesay's expedition, 
ii. 202; assists in the attack upon 
Grand Pro", n. 211. 

Colonial New York, cited, i 142 note. 

Colorado, ii. 22. 

Colton, Mrs., great-granddaughter of 
John Williams, 1.87 note. 

Comanche Indians, join Spaniards to 
attack the French at the Illinois, ii. 
14; visit of Bourgmont to their vil- 
lage, ii. 17, 18, 19; make a treaty of 
alliance with Bourgmont, ii. 20. 

Conde", Prince de, ii. 283. 

Conflans, M. de, commands French 
ships-of-wnr, n. 175; arrives at Hali- 
fax, and re-sails for France, ii. 178. 

Congress of Governors, cited, i. 159 

Connecticut, called upon for troops, i. 



130: assists in an attack upon Louis- 
bourg, ii. 88; her contribution toward 
the siege of Louisbourg, ii. 100 ; re- 
imbursed for expenses of taking 
Louisbourg, ii. 160; contributes meu 
to capture Canada, ii. 169. 

Connecticut River, ii. 230. 

Conwav, New Hampshire, i. 247. 

Copps Hill, Boston, i. 159. 

Corlaer. (See Schenectadv.) 

Com bury. Lord, quoted, "i. 6, 56, 320; 
Governor of New York, i. 56. 

Corse, Elizabeth, married Jean Dumon- 
tel, i. 86. 

Cortlandt, . i. 7. 

Costebelle, governor at Placentia, i. 
128; his scheme for warning Massa- 
chusetts against the designs of Eng- 
land, i. 150, 153; letter commanding 
the evacuation of Placentia, etc., i. 

Coulon de Villiers. (See Villiers, Cou- 
lon de.) 

Courtemanche, a French officer, escorts 
ransomed prisoners from Canada, i. 
83 and note ; in Kamesay's expedi- 
tion, ii. 202. 

Coxe, Description of Carolina, quoted, 
i. 293 note. 

Crafts, Benjamin, a private at Louis- 
bourg, extract from his diary, ii. 164; 
death of, ii. 165. 

Craggs, Secretary, i. 199 note. 

Crawford Notch, i. 247. 

Creeds and politics at Acadia, i. 185. 

Crespel, Pere, chaplain of Lignery's 
expedition, i. 327. 

Cristineaux, Indians of the West, ii. 
30, 33, 35, 36; join La Ve>endrye in 
his search for the Pacific, ii. 36. 

Crown Point, landing of Ramesay's 
troops at, i. 136; the intention of the 
English to seize, ii. 74; the French 
build a fort and take possession, ii. 75 ; 
the capture of, proposed by Governor 
Shirley, ii. 172. 

Crozat, Antoine, the monopoly of Lou- 
isiana granted to him, i. 300; thwarted 
in his project, he resigns his charter, 
i. 304. 

Cummings, William, joined in Love- 
well's expedition, i. 251. 

Cushnoc (Augusta), i. 213. 

Cutter, Captain Ammi, left in com- 
mand of defences at Canseau, ii. 110. 


D'Aillebout, Captain, commandant at 
the Island Battery at Louisbourg, ii. 
138, 313. 

VOL. ii. 24 

D'Anjou, Due, contests with France 
the Louisiana country, i. 295. 

D'Anville, Due, sails with his fleet for 
Halifax, ii. 175; meets with severe 
storms, ii. 176; arrival at Chibucto 
(Halifax), ii. 177; death of, ii. 178; 
the disasters to the fleet, ii. 181-183; 
return of the fleet to France, ii. 182. 

D'Argenson, ii. 152. 

D'Artaguette, quoted, i. 299. 

D'Artaguette, Dirpn. accompanies 
Bienville to Louisiana as intendant, 
i. 297, 311. 

D'Artaguette, Pierre, captured and 
killed by the Chickasaws, i. 318. 

Daulnay, Jean, Canadian, i. 86. 

Daulnay, Mrs. Jean (Freedom French), 
i. 86." 

Dauphin Island, a French fort estab- 
lished at, i. 295. 

Dauphin, Fort, built by La Verendrye, 
ii. 35. 

D'Auteuil, a member of Rigaud's war- 
party, ii. 261. 

Davis, , saved the meeting-house 

from the Indians at Haverhill, i. 93. 

Davis. Eleazer, in the fight at Love- 
well's Pond, i. 256 ; reached the fort 
at Lake Ossipee, i. 257. 

Deas, D., cited, ii. 178 note. 

Debeline, General, mentioned as a com- 
mander of Canadian troops, ii. 238. 

Deerfield, its site , people, etc., i. 53 ; 
the attack of Hertel de Rouville upon, 
planned, i. 53; fears of an Indian at- 
tack, i. 56 ; the end of a winter day at, 
i. 57 ; the attack upon, i.58; after the 
attack, i. 02; driving the enemv out 
of, i. 63; the number of killed and 
wounded, i. 64; garrisoned 'against 
further attack, i. 66. 

De Gannes, quoted, i. 149 note. 

Degonnor, Jesuit missionary, ii. 30. 

De Goutin recounts some gossip at Port 
Royal, i. 112. 

D'Harcourt, Due, i. 295 note. 

De Lancey, James, Chief-Justice of 
New York, an enemy to Governor 
Clinton, ii. 222. 

De la Vente, quoted, i. 303. 

De LeYy, his paper, Memoire tur la 
Canaita, cited, i. 136 note. 

De 1'Isle, the geographer, ii. 8 note. 

De Muy, brothers, reinforce Fort Fre"- 
de"ric at Crown Point, ii. 250; the 
younger, a member of Rigaud's war- 
party, ii. 252; the elder, a member 
of Rigaud's war-party, ii. 261 ; the 
elder, sent to the fort to parley with: 
Hawks, ii. 261. 

De Muys, sent to succeed Ripnville in 
Louisiana, i. 297 , death of, i. 297. 



Denonville, orders the occupation of 
Detroit, i. 20. 

Denys, M. de La Ronde, sent to Boston 
with a mission from New France, i. 
153; his mission a failure, i. 154; in- 
duced the Acadians to migrate, i. 186, 
187; continues his mission to other 
settlements, i. 188. 

" Deptford," a British frigate, i. 120. 

D'Eraque, with Le Sueur on the Mis- 
sissippi, ii. 7; abandoned Fortl'Huil- 
lier, ii. 8. 

Deruisseau, a French scout, i. 136. 

Deschenaux, M., ii. 287. 

Desliettes, commandant in the Illinois 
country, proposes to exterminate the 
Outagainies, i. 325; joins Lignery's 
expedition against them, i. 327 note. 

Desligneris, in Ramesay's expedition, 
ii. 202; assists in attack on Grand 
Pre, ii. 207. 

"Despatch," one of Walker's war- 
ships, i. 167. 

D'Estournel, vice-admiral of D'An- 
ville's fleet, ii. 178; death of, ii. 179. 

Destrahoudal, M., commander of war- 
ship "La Palme," ii. 182. 

Detroit, Farmer's History of, cited, i. 
17 note ; motives of both trench and 
English for the occupation of, i. 19; 
the city of, founded by La Motlie- 
Cadilla'c, i. 26 ; included'in deed from 
the Five Nations to King William 
III., i. 30; an attempt at settlement 
by the French, i. 30 ; in command of 
Sieur Dulniisson, i. 269; arrival of 
the Outagamies, a hostile tribe, i. 270; 
some mischief done by the Indians, i. 
271 ; arrival of friendly Indians to 
aid Dubuisson, i. 272, 27"3 ; its growth 
under the charge of La Mothe-Ca- 
dillac, i. 316. 

Dieskau, Baron, mentioned, ii. 252. 

Doucette, deputy-governor at Annapo- 
lis, i. 188, 194 note. 

Douglas, , cited, ii. 83 note. 

Douglas, Dr., quoted concerning the 
expedition against Louisbourg, ii. 
104; mentioned, ii. 129; estimates 
the loss of men at Island Battery, ii. 
140 note; extracts from his obser- 
vations, ii. 166. 

Dominique, Father, at Acadia, i. 182. 

Dongan, Governor, New York, granted 
the " Hoosac Patent" to Dutch set- 
tlers, ii. 254. 

Doolittle. Narrative of Mischief, etc., 
cited, ii. 237 note, 244 note. 

Doolittle, Rev. Benjamin, his hetero- 
geneous labors at Northfield, ii. 247; 
his record of Indian invasion, etc., ii. 
248 and note ; death of, ii. 248. 

Dorchester, Mass., i. 121; a rendezvous 
for troops, i. 144. 

Dorman, Ephraim, an inhabitant of 
Keene, surprised by the Indians, ii. 

Doty, , interpreter in Rigaud's 

war-party, ii. 263. 

Dover, N. H., attacked by Indians, i. 
91; annoved by Indians^ i. 95. 

Downing, Joshua, killed by Indians, 
i. 49. 

" Dragon," English war-ship, i. 121, 
142 note, 145. 

Drake, S. G., Particular History, etc., 
cited, ii. 249 note. 

Dubuisson, Sieur, in command at De- 
troit, i. 269 ; surprised by a visit 
from the Outagamies, i. 270; asks 
aid of friendly Indians, i. 271 ; leads 
an attack upon the camp of the 
Outagamies, i. 275; grants an inter- 
view to the chief of the Outagamies, 
i. 278; addresses his wavering allies, 
i. 281; the Outagamies surrender to, 
i. 285; to Vaudreuil, cited, i. 287 
note; mentioned, i. 332 note. 

Duchambon, Governor, at Louisbourg 
during the siege, ii. 114; quoted, ii. 
118, 119 note; his blunder in desert- 
ing the Grand Battery, ii. 120 ; quoted 
concerning the siege of Louisbourg, 
ii. 128 ; refuses to surrender Louis- 
bourg, ii. 135; his account of the at- 
tack upon the Island Battery, ii. 
140; offers resistance to the taking 
of Lighthouse Point by the English, 
ii. 142; receives news of the taking 
of the war-ship "Vigilant" by the 
English, ii. 143; sends a fla'g of 
truce to Pepperrell and Warren, ii. 
149; agrees to Pepperrell's terms 
of capitulation, ii. 150; his report 
of the surrender mentioned, ii. 161 

Duclos, , intendant in Louisiana, 

i. 302. 

Dudley, Governor Joseph, attempts a 
peace with Indians of Maine, i. 34 ; 
sends troops to defend against the 
Abenakis Indians, i.47; quoted, i. 65 
note ; quoted concerning the ransom 
of prisoners, i. 82; gives leave for a 
raid into Canndit, i. 96 ; urges the 
capture of Quebec, i. 98; to Lord 
, cited, i. 96 note ; attempts a neu- 
trality with Governor Vaudreuil, i. 
99 ; portrayed, i. 100-103 ; sent prison- 
er to England, i. 101; a member of 
Parliament, i. 101; sent as governor 
of Massachusetts, i. 101; accused of 
illicit trade with the French, i. 103; 
a memorial for his recall refused, i. 



105; sends Colonel Church on an ex- 
pedition into Canada, i. 117; pro- 
poses an expedition against Fort 
Royal, i. 120; appoints ColonelJohn 
March commander, i. 121; sends 
councillors to Colonel March, i. 125; 
receives the royal message for the 
reduction of Canada, i. 131 ; disap- 
pointed by the non-arrival of the 
British squadron, i. 140; in confer- 
ence of governors concerning Eng- 
land's attack on Canada, i. 158. 

Dudley, Paul, i. 102. 

Dudley, Governor Thomas, i. 100. 

Dudley, William, goes to Canada with 
Courtemanche, i. 83, 99; concerning 
the officers at Port Royal, i. 125 ; sent 
as ambassador to Vaudreuil, i. 2-43 ; 
interviews the Indians, i. 244. 

Dugue", , accompanies Cadillac to 

Detroit, i. 25. 

Dulhut, Greysolon, occupied Detroit, 
i. 20. 

Dummer, Jeremiah, i. 103 note, 127 

Dummer, William, acting governor of 
Massachusetts, i.231; the Legislature 
attempt to deprive him of his pre- 
rogative of power, i.233; correspond- 
ence with Vaudreuil on the death of 
Sebastien Rale, the missionary, i. 
241 ; sends an embassy to Vaudreuil, 
i 243, 260 note. 

Dummer, Fort, a subject of dispute 
between Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire, ii. 233. 

Dumontel, Jean, i. 86. 

Dumontel, Mrs. Jean (Elizabeth Corse), 
i. 80. 

Duntable, Mass., i. 248; attacked by 
Indians, i. 249; joins in Lovewell's 
expedition, i. 250. 

Duperrier, captain of French war-ship 
"Northumberland,' 1 ii. 177. 

Dupuy, intendant at Canada, i. 326. 

Duquesnel, governor of Canada, ii. 61 ; 
seizes the fishing-station of Canseau, 
ii. 79; attempts the capture of An- 
napolis, ii. 80; death of, ii. 114. 

Du Tisne", explored the Missouri River, 
ii. 13; visits the Pawnees, ii. 14; 
arrives at the village of the Osages, 
ii. 14; returns to the Illinois, ii. 14. 

Duvivier, Captain, married to Marie 
Muis de Poubomcoup, i. 14 ; sent to 
seize Canseau, ii. 79 ; attempted at- 
tack upon Annapolis, ii. 80; proposes 
terms of capitulation with Mascarene, 
ii. 81; his attack a failure, ii. 82; 
asks assistance of France to renew 
his attack upon Annapolis, ii. 144. 

Dnxbury, Mass., i. 117. 


East Bay, on Lake Champlain, ii. 

Eastern Indians, called to a council by 
Governor Shute, i. 215; renew the 
treat}' of Portsmouth with Governor 
Shute, i. 219 ; letter to Governor Shute 
cited, i. 226 note. 

Edict of Nantes, mentioned, i. 2. 

"Edgar," flag-ship of Admiral Walker, 
i. 165 ; blown up in the Thames River, 
i. 174. 

Edward. Fort, i. 135. 

Eliot, John, recaptures some fishing- 
vessels, i. 234. 

"Eltham," a British frigate, ii. 111. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, ii. 97 note. 

Emery, Samuel, minister at Wells, 
Me., i. 39. 

Endicott, Honorable William C., ii. 62 

Engelran, a Jesuit father, i. 27 note. 

England, declares war with France, 
i. 2 ; grants aid for the reduction of 
Canada, i. 130 ; her ministry sends an 
expedition against Canada, i. 157; 
news received of the surrender of 
Louisbourg, ii. 157; "England has 
no rightful titles to North America," 
etc., ii. 273. 

English, their motives for the occupa- 
tion of Detroit, i. 19 ; the condition of, 
at Annapolis, i. 183 ; prevented from 
occupying Louisiana, i. 289 ; at Grand 
Pre", Ramesay's expedition against, 
ii. 201; plan" of the attack, ii. 206; 
the attack, ii. 208-215; attempted 
resistance, ii. 209, 210, 212; their 
position becoming desperate, ii. 213 ; 
they capitulate, ii 214; the number 
of troops at Grand Pre" during the 
French attack upon, ii. 215; their 
losses estimated, ii. 215; they march 
from Grand Pre* to Annapolis, ii. 

English colonies, their individual 
strength, and independence of each 
other, ii. 64. 

English colonists, how they regarded 
the Five Nations, ii. 221. 

English ministry, plans of, concerning 
America, i. 157. 

English Turn, at the bend of the 
Mississippi River, i. 292. 

Erie, Lake, i. 19. 

Ethier, Dr., quoted, i. 67 note. 

Eugene, Prince, i. 115. 

Exeter, infested by Indians, i. 95. 

Extrait d'une Lt'nsse de Papiert con- 
cernant le Canada, i. 227 note. 




Falmouth rebuilt, i. 213. 

Falmouth, Me. See Casco. 

"Falmouth," English war-ship, i. 145. 

" Far Indians," or '' Upper Nations," 
of what tribes they consisted, i. 11; 
their fur-trade with Canada, i. 11. 

Farnsworth, David, forms a new set- 
tlement, ii. 234. 

Farnsworth, Samuel, of Groton, forms 
a new settlement, Number Four, ii. 

Farnsworth, Stephen, forms a new set- 
tlement, ii. 234. 

Farrar, Jacob, killed in _the fight at 
Lovewell's Pond, i. 255. 

Farwell, Josiah, escapes from Indians 
at Dunstable, i. 249 ; signs petition 
to fight Indians, i. 249; wounded by 
Indians, i. 253; death of, i.257. 

Featherstonhaugh, geologist, cited, ii. 
8 note. 

Fe"lix, Pere, defies the power of the 
governor at Port Royal, i. 114. 

Ferland. Cours d'Histoire, i. 329 note; 
Cours d'Histoire du Canada, quoted, 
ii. 125 note. 

Ferryland, Newfoundland, i. 127. 

" Feversham," English war-ship, i. 145. 

Field, Ensign, Northfield, Mass., ii. 246. 

Filles de la Congregation, at Louis- 
bourg, i. 180. 

Fisheries of Newfoundland considered 
in the Treaty of Utrecht, i. 178. 

Fishery question, the, between New 
England and Acadia, 5. 107. 

Fish Kill River, ii. 226 note. 

Five Nations, the, of the Iroquois, in- 
gratitude of New York towards them, 
i. 7, 8; the influence of the French 
and English agents among them, i. 9, 
10, 11; deed a part of the Northwest- 
ern country to King William III., 
i. 30; induced to join in the reduc- 
tion of Canada, i. 133; made Brit- 
ish subjects, i. 177; the attitude of 
New "i ork towards them, i. 264 ; 
their friendship necessary to New 
York for her control of the fur-trade, 
i. 265; acted as middlemen in trade 
between New York and the West, 
i. 206 ; their jealousy of the French 
designs upon Niagara, ii. 71 ; finally 
give their consent to the building of 
a fort, ii. 72; allow Governor Burnet 
to build a trading-house, ii. 72 ; their 
attitude towards the French and Eng- 
lish colonies, ii. 221 ; induced by Gov- 
ernor Clinton to join in the invasion 
of Canada, it. 222. 

Flat Point Cove, a place of landing at 

Louisbourg, ii. 105, 115; Pepperrell'a 
storehouses at, ii. 142. 

Flynt, Rev. Henry, cited, i. 214 note, 
222 note. 

Folsom, History of Saco, etc., cited, i. 44 

Foster, Deacon Josiah, killed by In- 
dians at Keene, ii. 232. 

Foster, Joseph, of Beverly, a prisoner^ 
of war, ii. 181 ; cited, ii. 178 note. 

Fox River, i. 265, 321, 332; ii. 27. 

Fox's History of Dunstable, cited, i. 260 

Foxes, the, a tribe of the " Far In- 
dians," i. 11. 

France and England, their rival claims 
in America, ii. 66-68. 

France and Spain contest the Louisiana 
country, i. 295. 

France, the power gained by Great 
Britain over, i. 1; schemes for con- 
quest in New England, i. 2, 3; sends 
her missionaries among the Acadians, 
i. 193 ; her claim to American territory 
as set forth by Father Bobe", ii. 65, 68; 
requires the restoration of Port Royal, 
Acadia, etc., ii. 69; her designs upon 
the English colonies in America, ii. 
70; "Demandes de La France" 
(1723), ii. 282. 

Francis, Dr. Convers, i. 220 note, 240 

Fran9oise, Marie, baptismal name of 
Freedom French, i. 86. 

Franklin, Benjamin, quoted, ii. 88. 

Franquet, journal of, cited, ii. 191 note. 

Frederic of Prussia, began the War 
of the Austrian Succession, ii. 78. 

Fre"de"ric, Fort, built at Crown Point, 
ii. 75. 

French, Freedom, captured by Indians, 
baptized as Marie Francoise, and mar- 
ried Jean Daulnay, i. 86. 

French, Martha, married Jacques Roy, 
afterwards Jean Louis Menard, i. 86'. 

French, Deacon Thomas, inhabitant of 
Deerfield, i. 56 and note ; captured at 
Deerfield by Indians, i. 85. 

French accounts of the attack on Port 
Royal, cited, i. 127 note. 

French Canadians, their spirit of ad- 
venture and trade lead to the ex- 
ploration of the West, ii. 1, 2, 3. 

French colonies, their desire for achieve- 
ment, ii. 65. 

French colonists, how they regarded the 
Five Nations, ii. 221. 

French explorers west of the Missis- 
sippi, ii. 8. 

Frenchmen in America, the advantage 
to them of hold ing Detroit,!. 19; assist 
in Indian attacks at Wells, etc., i. 43; 



their object in spurring the Abenakis 
to these attacks, i. 45; policy towards 
the Five Nations, i. 45, 52; motive 
for inducing the Indian warfare 
against New England, i. 97 ; incite 
the Abenakis against the English, 
i. 227; jealousy of the trading-house 
at Oswego, ii. 73; establish a trading- 
post at Toronto, ii. 73; and place 
armed vessels at Fort Frontenac, ii. 
74 ; their chain of posts from Canada 
to Louisiana, ii. 76 ; they seize Can- 
seau, ii. 79 ; the number of troops 
engaged in the attack on Grand 
Pre, ii. 215; losses at the attack up- 
on Grand Pre, ii. 215. 

French officer, an incident of his attack 
upon Deerfield, i. 61. 

French pioneers in America, their desire 
for discovery and trade, ii. 1. 

French River (Winooski or Onion), 
i. 73. 

Freneuse, Madame de, at Port Royal, 
i. 110, 112. 

Freshwater Cove (Anse de la Cormo- 
randiere), a landing-place nearLouis- 
bourg, ii. 115. 

Frontenac, Count, mentioned, i. 15, 17, 
19, 96 ; sends Le Sueur into the Sioux 
country, ii. 3. 

Frontenac, Fort, armed vessels placed 
at, by the French, ii. 74. 

Frye, "Jonathan, Andover, joined in 
Lovewell's expedition as chaplain, i. 
251; wounded, i. 254; death of, i. 
257; his engagement to Susanna 
Rogers, i. 259; his name cherished at 
Fryeburg, i. 259. 

Frye, General Joseph, granted the land 
of Fryeburg, i. 259 note. 

Fryeburg, N. H., i. 247. 

Fur-trade, the, carried on by French 
and English with the Indians, i. 12- 
14 ; to be controlled by a company, 
i. 26, 27 ; interest of "New York In 
the, i. 262; of the West, the desire of 
Canada to control, i. 315; controlled 
by the French posts, ii. 76. 

Fur-trade Company, complaints of the, 
i. 28 ; transfer their control to Ca- 
dillac, i. 30. 


Gabarus Bay (Chapeau Rouge Bay), 

ii. Ill, 115 note. 
Gaillard, sent by Bourgmont to the 

Comanche village, ii. 17. 
Galissoniere, succeeded Beauharnois as 

governor, ii. 56. 

Gardner, , a militia officer at Ha- 

verhill, i. 94. 

Gamier, Charles, a Jesuit mission 
priest, i. 134, 207. 

Gaspe, in Ramesav's expedition, ii. 202. 

Gaspe, Bay of, Walker's fleet at, i. 165. 

Gaspereau River, ii. 206. 

Gaudalie, cure of Mines, i. 201. 

Gaulin, an insurgent priest at Annapo- 
lis, i. 184, 187 ; charged with incen- 
diary conduct among Acadians, i. 


Gayarre", Histoire de Louisiane, cited, 
i". 293 note. 

General Court of Massachusetts, offers 
prize for Indian scalps, i. 48; resolves 
upon the reduction of Canada, i. 130 ; 
vote concerning an attack upon Louis- 
bourg, ii. 85; the arguments for and 
against the scheme, ii. 87, 88; at last 
consent to the attack, ii. 88. 

George I., on throne of England, i. 
198, 246. 

George II., his accession to the throne, 
i. 200 ; the Acadians protest fidelity 
to, ii. 218 ; yielded Louisbourg to 
the French by the Peace of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, ii. 2"70. 

George, Fort, built on the Androscoggin 
River, i. 214. 

Georgetown, rebuilt, i. 213 ; a council of 
Indians held at, by Governor Shute, 
i. 215; another Indian council held 
at, i. 224; Sebastien Rale arrives 
with hostile Indians at, i. 225; the 
fort at, attacked, i. 226. 

Germain, a Jesuit father, i. 27 note. 

Gibson, James, interested in the scheme 
for an attack upon Louisbourg, ii. 86; 
his journal cited, ii. 99 note, 161 note ; 
raised men for the siege of Louis- 
bourg, ii. 100 note. 

Gill, Charles, i. 89 note. 

Gill, Samuel, taken captive by Abe- 
naki Indians, i. 88 ; his descendants 
estimated, i. 89. 

Gillet, , killed at Deerfield by In- 
dians, ii. 264. 

Girard, a priest at Cobequid, ii. 202, 

Goddard, Captain, saves Walker's fleet 
from shipwreck, i. 165. 

Godolphin, minister, i. 157. 

Goldthwait, Captain Benjamin, in com- 
mand of the English detachment at 
Grand Pre, ii. 207 note ; attempts a 
defence against the French attack 
upon Grand Pre, ii. 212; proposes to 
capitulate to La Come, ii. 214; men- 
tioned, ii. 217 note. 

Gorham, , his regiment posted at 

Lighthouse Point, Louisbourg, ii. 142. 



Goutin, M. de, a magistrate at Port 

Royal, quoted concerning affairs at 

Port Royal, i. 110. 
Grand Battery at Louisbourg, besieged, 

ii. 119, 120. 
Grand Pre\ the attack of Colonel Church 

upon, i. 118; the Acadian village, ii. 

199; the plan of attack upon, by 

Ramesay's officers, ii. 206, 207; the 

attack and its results, ii. 208-215; 

the French successes at. ii. 210, 211 ; 

affairs becoming desperate for the 

English, ii. 213; they decide to 

capitulate, ii. 214; the French and 

English losses, ii. 215; deserted by 

the English, ii. 216. 
Gratiot, Fort, i. 20. 
Gravier, Jesuit missionary at St. Louis, 

i. 316. 

Gray, Deacon John, quoted, ii. 98 note. 
Great Britain gains power from the 

War of the Spanish Succession, i. 1. 
Great Butte des Morts, i. 332. 
Great Carrying-Place, i. 135. 
Green Bay, Wis., mentioned, i. 88, ii. 

27: groups of Indians near, i. 265; 

a fort built at, by the French, ii. 76. 
Green Dragon Tavern, a dinner at, i. 

Green Hill, a batten r planted at, for the 

attack upon Louisbourg, ii. 122. 
Green Mountains, i. 73. 
Grey Lock, a noted Indian chief, i. 235. 
Gridley, Colonel, plants a battery at 

Lighthouse Point, Louisbourg, ii. 

141; his effective work at Lighthouse 

Point, ii. 147; mentioned, ii. 161 note. 
Grignon, Augustus, Recollections, cited, 

i. 332 note. 
Groton, attacked by Indians, i. 95; joins 

in Lovewell's expedition, i. 250. 
Guignas, Father, a missionary to the 

Sioux Indians, ii.27. 
Guillaume le Sincere, ii. 161 note. 
Gulf of Mexico, i. 130. 


Habitant de Louisbourg, concerning the 
attack upon Louisbourg, ii. 113, 114; 
quoted, ii. 152, 155. 

Hadley, Mass., i. 54: the inhabitants 
go to the rescue of Deerfield, i 62. 

Hagar, a servant of Rev. Rolfe, i. 


Halifax, settlement of English at, i. 197. 

Hale, Captain , hurt by bursting 

of a gun at Louisbourg, ii. 129 note. 

Hale, Colonel Robert, letter of John 
Payne to, ii. 107 note ; commander in 
the siege of Louisbourg, ii. 107 note. 

Hampton, attacks ujxm by Indians, i. 

Harding, Stephen, escapes murder from 
Indians, i. 41. 

Harley, , Lord Treasurer of Eng- 
land, i. 156. 

Harmon, Captain, sent to attack Nor- 
ridgewock, i. 236. 

Harpe, Benard de la. (See La Harpe, 
B. de.) 

Hassell, Benjamin, a cowardly member 
of Lovewell's expedition, i. 253, 256, 

Hastings, John, helps form a settlement 
on the Connecticut called Number 
Four, ii. 235 ; chosen on committee to 
protect the settlement, ii. 235. 

Hatfield, Mass., i. 54, 59; the inhabi- 
tants go to the rescue of Deerfield, i. 
62 ; an intended Indian attack upon, 
i. 91. 

Haverhill, attacked by Indians, i. 93; 
joins in Lovewell's expedition, i. 250. 

Hawks, Ebenezer, killed at Deerfield 
by Indians, ii. 264. 

Hawks, John, Account of the Company 
at Fort Massachusetts, ii. 257; in 
charge of Fort Massachusetts, ii. 257; 
considers and accepts terms of capit- 
ulation from Rigaud, ii. 262; Serjeant, 
made lieutenant-colonel, ii. 269. 

Heath, Joseph, an English settler at 
Brunswick, i. 210 note, 224 note; 
captain, burns the new village of the 
Penobscots, i. 245. 

Heath, town of, Massachusetts, ii. 

Hill, General John, given command of 
the Canada expedition, i. 157; his 
reception in Boston, i. 159 ; anxious 
for retreat, i. 168; arrives in Eng- 
land, i. 174; reaps honors, i. 175. 

Hill, Mrs. John, i. 174. 

Hill, Samuel, capture of his family by 
Indians, i. 42; goes to Canada to ne- 
gotiate for release of prisoners, i. 83, 

Hill,' Fort, Boston, i. 159. 

Hilton, Colonel Winthrop, a command- 
er in the expedition to Port Royal, i. 
121 ; mentioned, i. 210. 

Ilistoric'il Magazine, cited, i. 237 note. 

Hix, Jacob, death of, i. 72. 

Hobby, Sir Charles, in expedition 
against Port Royal, i. 145 ; at a break- 
fast of the English officers at Port 
Royal, i. 148. 

Hochelaga. Indian defences at, i. 16. 

Holton, Eleazar, Northfield, Mass., ii. 

Hook, Serjeant, defends Major March 
against Indians at Casco, i. 43. 



Hoosac, name given to eastern tribu- 
tary of the Hudson, ii. 251. 

Horse Indians of the West, ii. 43 and 
note ; visited by the brothers La W- 
rendrye, ii. 40; their march against 
the Snake Indians, ii. 47 ; they find 
the camp of the Snakes deserted, ii. 
52; their disbandment, ii. 53. 

Housatonic River, villages settled along 
the, ii. 245. 

House of Representatives, the, approve 
Lovewell's expedition against In- 
dians, i. 249. 

Howe, Captain, the missionary Le 
Loutre charged with inciting the 
murder of, ii. 197 ; quartered with 
Colonel Noble at Grand Pre, ii. 210; 
wounded and taken prisoner, ii. 210; 
allowed by La Corue to call an Eng- 
lish surgeon, ii. 213; released on pa- 
role after the capitulation, ii. 214. 

Hoyt, General Epaphras, i. 88; Anti- 
quarian Researches mentioned, ii. 
244 note. 

Hoyt, David, inhabitant of Deerfield, 
i. 59; his wife wounded during In- 
dian attack, i. 60; death of, i. 72. 

Hubert, his scheme for exploring the 
Missouri, ii. 9. 

Hudson Bay, ii. 24. 

Hudson River, i. 12; an eastern tribu- 
tary called Kaskekouke', Schaticook, 
and Hoosac, ii. 251. 

Huguenot colonists, their intention to 
settle on the Mississippi, i. 292; de- 
ceived by Bienville, and abandoned 
the project, i. 293; petition the 
French king to allow them to settle 
in Louisiana, i. 293. 

Humble memorial, of John Lovewell 
and others, to destroy Indians, i. 249. 

Hunter, Governor, endeavors to pre- 
vent the building of a fort by the 
French at Niagara, ii. 71. 

Huron, Lake, i. 19. 

Hurons and Ottawas, Indians settled 
at Michillimackinac, i. 16; savage 
and mischievous, i. 16. 

Hurons, Indians, join a war-party, i. 
92: settled about Detroit, i. 265"; the 
village of, i. 269; their account of 
their defeat of the Outagamies, i. 331 ; 
form a party to attack the Outaga- 
mies, i. 329". 

Hurst, Benjamin, child mnrdered by 
Indians, i. 86. 

Hurst, Sarah, baptized as Marie 
Jeanne, i. 86. 

Hurtado, General, cited, ii. 22, note. 

Hutchinson, , cited, i. 94 note, 219 

note, 238 note, 253 note, 260 note, 
ii. 83 note. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, mentioned, ii, 

160 note. 
Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, 

cited, ii. 160 note, 161 note. 

Iberville, LeMoyned' (the Jean Bnrt of 
Canada), plan of, to destroy Boston, 
i. 3; offered to plant a colony in Lou- 
isiana, i. 290; his offer accepted, i. 
290 ; explores his way to the mouth 
of the Mississippi, i. 290; builds a 
fort at Biloxi and sails for France, 
i. 292; returned to Louisiana to pro- 
tect against English intrusion, i 293 ; 
removes the fort from Biloxi to Mo- 
bile Bay, i. 294; made a voyage up 
the Mississippi, i. 294; memorial by, 
quoted, i. 295 note ; his hope of dis- 
covering the Pacific, ii. 8. 

Illicit traders in Boston, i. 103, 105. 

Illinois Indians, settled about Fort St. 
Louis, i. 265; aid Dubuisson at De- 
troit, i. 273. 

Indian Old Point (Norrklgewock), i. 
211 note. 

Indian Old Town, present abode of the 
Penobscots, i. 245. 

Indian population in the West, i. 265. 

Indian trade, the, between the English 
and West, i. 267. 

Indians, the plan of La Mothe-Cadillac 
for civilizing, i. 22; attack towns in 
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 
i. 90, 95; reward offered for scalps of, 
i. 95 and note ; thpir native warlike 
propensities, i. 286. 

Ingoldsby, Colonel, acting governor of 
Connecticut, i. 132. 

lowas, Indians, in council with Bourg- 
mont, ii. 17. 

Ipswich, i. 121. 

Iroquois, Indians, the Five Nations of, 
i. 7 ; join in war-parties from Mon- 
treal, ii. 232. 

Isle-au-Cochon. near Fort Detroit, i. 

Isle-aux-CEufs, the disaster to Admiral 
Walker's fleet at, i. 167. 

Isle of Wight, i. 101. 

Isles of Shoals, the, ii. 93. 


James IT., mentioned, i. 2, 143. 

James III., acknowledged king by 
Louis XIV.. i. 2. 

Jaques, Benjamin, shot the mission- 
ary Sebastien Rale, i. 237. 



Jesuits, the amount of their possessions 
in Canada, i. 22 ; attempt to convert 
Rev. John Williams to certain rites 
of their church, i. 74; their attempts 
to convert the Deerfield captives, 
i. 81; the zeal displayed by both 
earlv and later missionaries in New 
France, i. 206, 207; they converted 
but did not civilize the Indians, i. 208. 

Jogues, a Jesuit missionary, i. 16, 134, 

Johnson, Sir William, mentioned, ii. 
225 note, 262 note ; complains of 
certain persons selling liquor to the 
Indians, ii. 228; made a war-chief 
of the Mohawks, ii. 228; sends war- 
parties of Indians to check French 
invasion, ii. 229. 

Joncaire, an agent among the Five 
Nations, i. 9, 11, 133, ii. 71; a French 
emissary among the Seneca Indians, 
ii. 227. 

Jones, Esther, a heroine of Oyster 
River, i. 91. 

Jones. Josiah, in the fight at Love- 
well's Pond, i. 256; arrived at Bid- 
deford, i. 257. 

Jones, Lieutenant, killed by the French 
in their attack on Grand Pr, ii. 210. 

Jonquu're, Marquis de la, governor 
of Canada, ii. 57; charged St. Pierre 
with the search for the Pacific, ii. 
57; remains with the fleet at Chi- 
bucto, ii. 180; succeeds to the com- 
mand of D'Anville's fleet, ii. 180; 
sails for Annapolis, but abandons 
his design of attack, ii. 181; reaches 
Port Louis in Brittany, ii. 182; 
the breaking up of his fleet, ii. 
182; sent with a fleet for the con- 
quest of Acadia, etc., ii. 184; meets 
with an English fleet, and is totally 
defeated, ii. 184. 

Jordan River in Carolina, ii. 67. 

Journal of Governor, etc., cited, j. 159,ra. 

Journal of the Siege of Louisbt/urg, 
cited, ii. 124 note. 

Juchereau de Saint-Denis, explored in 
Louisiana, ii. 9; seized bv Spaniards, 
ii. 10. 

Jucherenu de Saint-Denis, Mother, 
quoted concerning tho effect upon 
the ladies of Montreal, etc., of the 
news of Walker's expected attack, 
i. 171, 173, 175. 

Justinian, Pere, i. 187, 198. 


Kalm. Swedish naturalist, i. 170, ii. 
209 note. 

Kaministiguia River, a post established 
at, ii. 24, 33. 

Kannan, H., cited, ii. 178 note. 

Kaskaskia, town of, settled by Cana- 
dians, etc., 5. 316, 317. 

Kaskaskias, Indians, form a settlement 
on the Mississippi, i. 316. 

Kaske"kouke, eastern tributary of the 
Hudson, ii. 251. 

Keene (Upper Ashuelot), the settle- 
ment of, ii. 230; its defences, ii. 230; 
attacked by Indians, ii. 230. 

Kellogg, , escape from Indian cap- 
tivity, i. 83. 

Kellogg, Joanna, married Indian chief, 
i. 86. 

Kennebec lands, parted with by the 
Indians, i. 214. 

Kennebec River, i. 3. 34; a dividing 
line between French possessions and 
New England, i. 205. 

Kennetcook River, ii. 205. 

Kent, , killed by Indians at Casco, 

Me., i. 43. 

Keyes, Solomon, in the fight at Love- 
well's Pond, wounded, i. 255; ar- 
rived at Fort Ossipee, i. 256, 257. 

Kidder, Benjamin, a member of Love- 
well's expedition, i. 251. 

Kidder,'Frederic, cited, i. 212 note, 248 
note, 260 note. 

King, Colonel, letter on the manners, 
etc., of the colonists at Boston, i. 160 ; 
in Walker's expedition, escape of his 
ship from wreck, i. 156. 

Kingston, annoyed by Indians, i. 95. 

Kittery, a town in Maine, i. 37; an- 
noyed by Indians, i. 95. 

Kittery Point, the view of the Pi c cata- 
quafrom, ii. 92; the house of William 
1'epperrell at, ii. 92. 

Kneeland, S., printer, Boston, ii. 249 

Knowles, Commodore Charles, advises 
the removal of the Acadians, ii. 193; 
presents a sword to Captain Phineas 
Stevens, ii. 243. 

Knowlton. Thomas, killed in the de- 
fence of Fort Massachusetts, ii. 261, 
269 note. 


Labat, M., at Port Royal, i. 112. 

La Baye, fort, on Green Bay, ii. 76. 

Lac des Cristineaux (Lake of the 
Woods), a post established at. ii. 24. 

La Chasse, Pi-re, quoted,!. 211 note; 
account of destruction of Norridge- 
wock, cited, i. 238 note; aids Rale in 
inciting the Indians to insurrection, 



i. 224; acts as interpreter at an inter- 
view between Indians and the em- 
bassy from Governor Dummer, i. 

La Chine, i. 25. 

La Corne, Saint-Luc de, suggested to the 
French the fortifying of Crown Point, 
ii. 75 ; Recollet missionary at Mira- 
michi, ii. 201; in Ramesay's expedi- 
tion, ii. 202 ; assists in attack on 
Grand Pre\ ii. 208; blockades the 
principal guard-house at Grand Pre, 
ii. 212; allows a suspension of arms 
while a surgeon attends Captain 
Howe, ii. 213; makes terms of ca- 
pitulation to the English, ii. 214; his 
attentions to the English after ca- 
pitulation at Grand Pre, ii. 216; re- 
turns to Beaubassin, ii. 216 ; his 
account of the French victory cited, 
ii. 217 note. 

Lacroix, a French prisoner of war, ii. 

La Force, joins Rigaud's war-party, ii. 

La Forest, in the fur-trade at Fort St. 
Louis, i. 265. 

Lafresniere, Sietir de, i. 302; sent to 
fortify Crown Point, ii. 75. 

Lagny, assists in attack on Grand Prd, 

La Harpe, Be'nard 'de, i. 293 note ; ex- 
plorations along Red River, ii. 10; 
reaches the land of the Nassonites, 
ii. 11; arrives at an Indian village, 
ii. 12; pushes on to Arkansas River, 
ii. 12; explores it, ii. 13; returned to 
Natchitoches, ii. 13. 

La Hontan, romances of, mentioned, ii. 

La Jemeraye, joins La VeYendrye's en- 
terprise, ii. 32 ; death of, ii. 33. 

Lalande, a prisoner among the Indians, 
i. 81. 

Lallemant, a Jesuit mission priest, i. 
134, 207. 

La Loire des Ursins, in council at " the 
Illinois," i. 318. 

Lamberville, Jacques, an agent among 
the Five Nations, i. 9; a Jesuit priest 
at Onondaga, i. 133. 

Ln Mothe-Cadillac, Antoine de, in com- 
mand at Michillimackinac, i. 15 ; por- 
trayed, i. 16 and note ; plan to attack 
Boston, etc., i. 17 note ; his antipathy 
against Carheil, i. 18; his plans for 
the occupation of Detroit, i. 20; his 
memorial to Comte de Maurepas, i. 
21 ; some of the features of his plan, 
i. 21; opposition to his scheme; i.21; 
his plan opposed by Callieres, Cham- 
pigny, and others, i. 23 ; sails for 

France, i. 24 ; presents his plan to M. 
de Pouchartrain, i. 25 ; returns to 
Canada, i. 25; proceeds to found the 
city of Detroit, i. 26; lures the Michil- 
limackinac Indians to Detroit, i. 27; 
letters to Ponchartrain, i. 28; desires 
to be appointed governor of Detroit, 
i. 28; given the control of the fur- 
trade, i. 30; governor of colony of 
Louisiana, i. 269; succeeds Bienville 
at Louisiana, i. 298; denounces the 
country, products, etc., i. 298; his 
spite towards Bienville, i. 302; sup- 
planted by L'Epinay, i. 307; quoted, 
i. 322 note; cited, ii. 7 note. 

La Roude Denys. (See Denys, La 

Lanaudiere in Ramesay's expedition, 
ii. 202. 

Lancaster, town of, joins in Lovewell's 
expedition, i. 250; infested by In- 
dians, i. 95. 

La Noue, Lieutenant, engaged in the ex- 
ploration for the Pacific Ocean, ii. 25. 

"La Palme," the suffering and starva- 
tion of her crew, ii. 183. 

La Perelle, sent with flag of truce from 
Duchambon to Pepperrell, ii. 149. 

La Plaine, reports an attack on Quebec, 
i. 137. 

La Reine, Fort, built by La Ve"rendrye, 
ii. 35. 

La Salle, Nicolas de, mentioned, i. 25, 
329; gave Louisiana her name, i. 
288; accuses Iberville, i. 296; ac- 
cuses, Artaguette, i. 297 ; his settle- 
ment at St. Louis mentioned, i. 316; 
proposed expedition, ii. 9. 

La Touche, clerk in Department of 
Marine, etc., i. 25. 

La Tour, mentioned, ii. 80. 

"Launceston," a war-ship of Com- 
modore Warren, ii. 103, 444. 

Laurain, an explorer on the Missouri, 
ii. 9. 

Lauverjat, Father, a missionary, i. 234; 
a missionary of the Penobscots, i. 

La Ve'rendrye, Pierre Gaultier de Va- 
rennes de, his search for the Pacific, 
ii. 30, 31 ; given a monopoly of the 
fur-trade, ii. 31; raises a companvof 
associates, ii. 32; winters at Fort 
Pierre, ii. 33; massacre of some of 
his part}", ii. 33 ; develops the fur- 
trade, builds forts, etc., ii. 34; con- 
tinued his explorations westward, ii. 
36; certain Indinn tribes join his 
party, ii. 36; arrived at a village of 
the Mandan Indians, ii. 36; returns 
to Fort La Reine, ii. 38; his sons join 
in the search for the Pacific, ii. 39; 



promotion and honor bestowed upon 
him, ii. 56 ; death of, ii. 56. 

La VeYendrye, Chevalier and Pierre 
de (sons of Pierre Gaultier), join 
in the search for the Pacific, ii. 
40; journey towards the West, ii. 
43, 44; arrive at the camp of Les 
Beaux Hommes, ii. 45; reach the 
camp of the Horse Indians, ii. 46; 
join in a march of Indians against 
the Snake Indians, ii. 47; visit the 
lodge of the Choke-Cherry Indians, 
ii. 53; return to Fort La Reine, ii. 
55 ; their fur-trade, ii. 55 ; discovered 
the Saskatchawan River, ii. 56; badly 
treated by M. de Saint-Pierre, ii. 57; 
receive bad treatment from La Jon- 
quiere, ii. 57, 58. 

La Wrendyre, Chevalier de, death of, 
ii. 62. 

La Vente, cure of Mobile, accuses 
Bienville, i. 296. 

Law, John, his undertaking to save the 
credit of France, i. 304; failure of his 
scheme, i. 308. 

Lawson, an illicit trader, i. 103. 

Le Ber, Mademoiselle, a patriotic nun 
at Montreal, i. 172. 

Le Blanc, a notarv to the Acadians, ii. 

Le Canada Frangais, cited, ii. 217 n. 

Lechmere, Lieutenant, killed by the 
French in their attack on Grand Pre", 
ii. 210. 

Lee, Colonel, quoted, i. 174 note. 

Leisler, Jacob, mentioned, i. 5. 

Le Loutre, missionary to the Micmac 
Indians, ii. 190; vicar-general to 
Acadians, ii. 196; accused of insti- 
gating the murder of Captain Howe, 
ii. 197. 

Le Page du Pratz, cited, i. 311 note. 

L'Epinay, supplanted La Mothe-Cadil- 
lac at Louisiana, i. 307 ; his removal, 
i. 307. 

Le Rocher, station on the Illinois, i. 329. 

Le>v, assists in attack on Grand Pro 1 , ii. 

Les Beaux Hommes, Indians of the Lit- 
tle Missouri, ii. 45. 

Lestock, Admiral, in command of Brit- 
ish troops, ii. 172. 

Le Sueur, expedition to the Sioux 
country of Minnesota, ii. 3; given 
command and monopoly of trade, ii. 
4; his commission revoked, ii. 4; 
makes a voyage up the Mississippi, 
ii. 5; encounters war-parties, ii. 5; 
builds a fort on the river St. Peter, 
ii. 6 ; opens trade with the Sioux In- 
dians, ii. 7, 8: sailed for France, ii. 
8; death of, ii. 8. 

Lettres Edifiantes, cited, i. 226 note. 

Leverett, John, sent to counsel with 
Colonel March at Port Royal, i. 125. 

Lewis, C. W., cited, i. 260 note. 

Lewis and Clark, Captains, visit to 
the Mandans, ii. 38 note ; explore 
their way to the Pacific, ii. 55 ; 
discover the Rocky Mountains, ii. 

L'Huillier, Fort, built by Le Sueur, ii. 6. 

Lighthouse Point, Louisbourg, a bat- 
tery planted at, ii. 140; Beaubassin 
ordered to recapture it from the Eng- 
lish, ii. 142; Gridley's effective firing 
at, ii. 147. 

Lignery, Sieur de, called a council of 
Outagamies, i. 325; led an expedi- 
tion against the Outagamies, i. 327; 
he does not succeed in it, i. 328. 

Limoges, Jesuit missionary at the Illi- 
nois, ii. 5. 

Little Butte des Morts, i. 332. 

Little Harbor, the house of Benning 
Wentworth at, ii. 92. 

Little Missouri, River, ii. 44. 

Littlefield, Edmond, his house at Wells, 
Me., i. 40. 

Littlefield, Francis, inventory of his 
personal property, i. 40. 

Livingston, , New York, i. 7. 

Livingston, Captain, Albany, an en- 
voy to ransom the Deerfield captives, 
i. 82. 

Livingston, Philip, concerning a fort at 
Niagara, ii. 71. 

Livingston, Robert, i. 20 note, 129. 

Longueuil, , an agent among the 

Five Nations, i. 9. 

Longueuil, governor of Canada, desired 
peace with the Indians, i. 325. 

Lorette, a Huron mission, i. 208. 

Lotbiniere, , a French officer who 

assisted in the attack on Grand Prt ; , 
ii. 211. 

Lothrop, Lieut.-Colonel, mentioned, ii. 
161 note. 

Louis XIV., caused the War of the 
Spanish Succession, i. 1; places his 
grandson on the throne of Spain, i. 
2; mentioned, i. 29; his throne threat- 
ened, i. 115; concerning republics, i. 
152; his old age, i. 170; his conces- 
sions in the Treaty of Utrecht, i. 177, 
179 ; commands the evacuation of 
Placentia, etc., i. 181; the foundations 
of Louisiana laid in his name, i. 292; 
refuses to allow some Huguenots to 
settle in Louisiana, i. 293; his in- 
structions to D'Iberville at Louisiana, 
i. 294; contests with Spain the Lou- 
isiana country, i. 295; orders the de- 
struction of the Outagamies, i. 324 



Louis XV., mentioned, ii. 196; de- 
manded restitution of Louisbourg by 
Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, ii. 270. 

Louisbourg, Cape Breton, founded, i. 
180, 181; called the Dunquerque of 
America, i. 181; received news of the 
breaking out of the War of Austrian 
Succession, ii. 78; called the Amer- 
ican Dunkirk, ii. 8-3 ; an attack upon, 
proposed by the English, ii. 83 and 
note ; its powerful defences, ii. 83 ; 
Governor Shirley furthers the design 
of taking, ii. 85-88; the appointment 
of William Pepperrell to command a 
siege of, ii. 91 ; a plan for sounding 
the fort at, ii. 96; gathering the 
troops, ii. 99; the naval force gath- 
ered intended for the siege of, ii. 101 y 
the directions of Governor Shirley 
for the attack upon, ii. 104, 105 and 
note ; the naval force arrive at Can- 
seau, ii. 109; a delay in the attack 
upon, ii. 110 ; arrival of Commander 
Warren with his fleet, ii. Ill ; her 
situation and defences, ii. 112, 113: 
the naval force arrive at, ii. 112; the 
garrison at. ii. 113; alarmed at the 
arrival of the naval fleet, ii. 114; 
the Grand Battery attacked, ii. 116; 
the French abandon the Grand Bat- 
tery at, ii. 118; English occupation 
of the batten', ii. 120; Pepperrell's 
army encamped at, ii. 121; their dif- 
ficulties in landing cannon, ii. 121; 
the planting of the batteries at, ii. 
122, 124 ; Titcomb's battery the most 
destructive at, ii. 124; a battery at- 
tacked by the French, ii. 126"; the 
destruction accomplished by the ad- 
vanced battery under Captain Sher- 
burn, ii. 127; good conduct of the 
troops, ii. 129; the attack upon the 
Island Battery, ii. 137; it proves un- 
successful, ii" 139; the English loss 
in the attack, ii. 139; capture of the 
ship-of-war" Vigilant," ii. 141; skir- 
mishes by Duchambon, etc., ii. 142 ; 
the effective firing of the English at 
Lighthouse Point, ii. 147; the sur- 
render, ii. 149; the terms of capitula- 
tion consented to by Pepperrell and 
Warren, ii. 150; the French and 
English loss at, ii. 151 ; the disgust 
of the New England soldiers at the 
capitulation, ii. 153; the jealousies 
between the sea and land force con- 
cerning the taking of, ii. 155, 156; 
news of its surrender, ii. 158; papers 
relating to the siege of, ii. 161, note ; 
after the conquest, dissatisfaction 
and mutiny of the troops, ii. 162, 163 ; 
arrival of Governor Shirley, ii. 163; 

arrival of supply troops from Gibral- 
tar, ii. 167: " Siege of Louisbourg as 
described by French witnesses," ii. 

Louisiana, named by La Salle, i. 288; 
the seizure of, urged by Henri de 
Tonty, i. 288; the probable result of 
an E'uglish settlement at, i. 289; t 1 e 
English prevented from settling at, 
i.289; Iberville's colonists at, i.295; 
wives, priests, nuns, etc., sent to the 
colony of, i. 296; discord and dis- 
order) i. 296; official disputes, i. 297 ; 
an attempt to import slaves from the 
West Indies, i. 298; discontent of 
the colonists, i. 299; farmed out to 
Antoine Crozat, i. 300; disaffection 
of the colonists, i. 301; wives sent to 
the colonists, i. 303, 304 note; aban- 
doned to the Crown by Crozat, i. 304; 
leased to the Mississippi Company, 
i. 304; its condition under the Mis- 
sissippi Company, i. 305; concerning 
the wives sent to, i. 306; Bienville 
re-appointed governor of, i. 307; a 
royal edict concerning live stock in, 
i. 309; the cost of its settlement, 
i. 309; Sieur Pe"rier succeeds Bien- 
ville as governor, i. 309; transferred 
from the Mississippi Company to 
the Crown, i. 310; at war with the 
Natchez Indians, i. 310; fights the 
Chickasaws under Bienville as gov- 
ernor, i. 312; compared with the 
Canadian colony, i. 313 ; shows signs 
of growth, i. 313 ; desired trade 
communication with New Mexico, 
ii. 21; ceded to the United States, 
ii. 55. 

Louvigny, expedition against the Outa- 
gamies, i. 320, 324; makes a treaty 
with them, i. 323. 

Lovelace, Lord, i. 131 note ; death of, 
i. 132. 

Lovewell, John, of Dunstable, Massa- 
chusetts, i. 248; his father served in 
King Philip's War, i. 248; his expe- 
dition against the Indians, i. 249; the 
triumph of his first attack, i. 251 : his 
second expedition, i. 251 ; his fight at 
LoveweH's Pond, i. 252; death of, 
i. 253, 258. 

Lovewell, Mrs. John (Hannah), i. 248. 

LoveweH's fight, i. 252-256; return of 
the survivors, i. 256-258; aid sent to 
the wounded, the dead buried, etc., 
i. 258; verses in commemoration of, 
i. 261. 

Lovewell's Pond, i. 248. 

" Lowestoffe," an English war-ship, 
i. 145. 

Loyola, mentioned, i. 206. 



Lund, Thomas, killed by Indians, i. 249 

Lusignan, in Ramesay's expedition, ii. 

202 ; assists in attack on Grand Pre", 

ii. 207; wounded, ii. 209. 
Lusignan, pere, cited, ii. 217 n^te. 
Lusignan, Jils, cited, ii. 217 note. 
Lydius. Fort, i. 135. 
Lyman, Caleb, kills some Indians at 

"Coos Meadows, i. 48. 
Lynn, i. 121. 


McDonald, Captain, a messenger to Du- 
chambon from Commodore Warren, 
ii. 143. 

McKenney, killed by Indians at Keene, 
ii. 231. " 

Macquas (Mobawks), name given to 
Caughnawagas, i. 71 note. 

Magazine of American History, cited, 
i. 142 note, ii. 258 note. 

Maine, the forest of, i. 32 ; the various 
tribes of Indians dwelling in, L 34; 
a continuation of warfare in her bor- 
ders, i. 212. 

Maine Historical Society, i. 210, note. 

Maillard, a missionary at Sliubenacadie, 
ii. 202; furnishes aid to Ramesay's 
troops, ii. 203. 

Maisonfort, Marquis de la, commander 
of the French ship-of-war " Vigi- 
lant," ii. 141; informs Duchambon 
of cruel treatment to English cap- 
tives, ii. 143; held a prisoner by 
Warren, ii. 143. 

Makisabie, chief of the Pottawatta- 
mies, at Huron fort, i. 272; harangued 
the Outagamies in the midst of the 
fight, i. 276. 

Malecite Indians, encamped with De 
Ramesay near Acadia, ii 187. 

Mallet brothers explore their way from 
Louisiana to Mexico, ii. 21. 

Mandans, Indians, visit of La Veren- 
drye to the, ii. 36 ; their population, 
ii. 37; their descriptions of the Span- 
iards, ii. 37, 40; visit of Prince Maxi- 
milian to, ii. 38; description of their 
village, ii. 41 ; (Blancs llarbus), ii. 41 

Manitoba, ii. 31. 

Mann, Fort, on Arkansas River, ii. 12. 

March, Colonel John, attacked by In- 
dians at Casco, Me., i. 43; captures 
Indians at Casco, i. 48, 53 note ; com- 
mander of the expedition to Port 
Royal, i. 121 ; his nnfitnpss for com- 
mander, i. 121, 122; the disorder 
among his soldiers, i. 123 ; the skir- 

mish at Port Royal, i. 123; his 
miserable failure at Port Royal, 
i. 124; counsellors sent to him, 
i. 125; returns to Boston, i. 126. 

Marest, , Jesuit missionary at Mi- 

chillimackinac, i. 17; discontent at 
the conduct of the Michillimackinacs, 
i.27; missionary to the Kaskaskias, 
i. 316 ; warns Le Sueur of war-par- 
ties, ii. 5. 

Mareuil, , a Jesuit priest at Onon- 

daga, i. 133. 

Margry, M., cited, i. 19 note, i. 25 note. 

Margry, Pierre, cited, ii. 62 note. 

Marguerite, baptismal name of Abigail 
Stebbius, i. 86. 

Marguerite, baptismal name of Martha 
French, i. 86. 

Maricourt, , an agent among the 

Five Nations, i. 9. 

''Marie-Joseph," vessel, i. 187. 

Marin, , a French trader, attacks the 

Outagamies, i.332; makes an attack 
upon Annapolis, ii. 144; ordered by 
Duchambon to assist in the resistance 
of Louisbourg to the New England 
soldiers, ii. 144 ; in Ramesay's expe- 
dition, ii. 202 ; assists in the attack on 
Grand Pre, ii. 211. 

"Marine," frigate, i. 2HO. 

Marlborough, Duke of. i. 115, 156, 157. 

Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, i. 157. 

Marlborough, Mass., annoyed by In- 
dians, i. 95. 

Marquette, Jesuit missionary at St 
Louis, i. 15, 316. 

Martin, Judge M. L., i. 332 note. 

Martissan, an habitant of Louisbourg, 
ii. 124. 

Marshall, N., of York, Me., ii. 97. 

Maryland, mentioned, i.6; contributes 
men to capture Canada, ii. 169. 

Mascarene, Paul, Narrative, cited, 
i. 184 note ; quoted, i. 190 note ; 
in charge of the fort at Annapolis, ii. 
80; a threatened attack on the fort, 
ii. 81; refuses Duvivier's terms of 
capitulation, ii. 81; receives a rein- 
forcement from Boston, ii. 82; com- 
mandant, quoted concerning Acadia, 
ii. 189; expels an Acadian priest, ii. 
195 note; reports the French and 
English losses at Grand Pre, ii. 215. 

Mascoutins, join with the Outagamies 
in a settlement at Detroit, i. 270. 

Masham, Mrs., i. 157, 174. 

Massachusetts, i. 6; desires aid from 
England for an attack upon Port 
Royal, i. 141 and note ; preparations 
in, "for the attack upon Port Royal, i. 
144; prediction concerning the pos- 
sible independence of, i. 154; her 



financial exhaustion from war con- 
tingencies, i. 175 note; determined to 
destroy the village of the Penobsrots, 
i. 235; sends a force to destroy Nor- 
ridgewoek, i. 236, 237, 238; her 
contribution towards the siege of 
Louisbourg, ii. 100; the cost to her of 
the taking of Louisbourg, ii. 159 ; re- 
imbursed by England, ii. 160; sends 
troops to protect Acadia, ii. 199; 
builds Fort Dummer on the Connec- 
ticut River, ii. 233 ; disputes with 
New Hampshire concerning Fort 
Dummer, ii. 233. 

Massachusetts, Fort, built near the 
present town of Adams, Mass., 
ii. 246; description of, ii. 256; at- 
tack made upon, by Kigaud's war- 
partv, ii. 259; a "parley" desired, 
ii. 262; the French flag raised, ii. 263; 
capitulation, ii. 263; rebuilt, ii. 269. 

"Massachusetts," a gun -ship com- 
manded by Captain Tyng, ii. 101. 

Massachusetts Archives, cited, i. 127 
note, 220 note. 

Mass. Hist. Coll., cited, i. 127 note, ii. 
160 note. 

Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d Series, cited, i. 
94 note. 

Mass. Hist, Coll., 5th Series, cited, i. 
102 note. 

Matchedash Bay, i. 16. 

Mather, Cotton, ment : oned, i. 48; his 
disJike for Governor Dudley, i. 101, 

Mather, Increase, i. 101. 

Matinicus, the rendezvous of Colonel 
Church's troops, i. 117. 

Maumee River, a fort built at, by the 
French, ii. 76. 

Maurault, Abbe", missionary at St. 
Francis, quoted concerning the Gill 
family, i. 89. 

Maurepas, f'omte de, memorial of La 
Mothe-Cartillac to, i. 21; cited, ii. 
217 note, 252 note. 

Maurepas, Fort, built by La Ve'ren- 
drye, ii. 34. 

Maurepas, Lake, Le Moyne d'Iberville 
at, i. 292. 

Maximilian, Prince, visit to the Man- 
dan Indians, ii. 38, 41 note. 

Meeting-house Hill, a palisaded enclo- 
sure at Deerfield, i. 54. 

Memorial of Deplorable State of New 
England, etc., cited, i. 101 note. 

Me"nard, Jean Louis, a Canadian, i. 86. 

Me'nard, Mrs. Jean Louis (Martha 
French), i. 86. 

Menomonies, Indians, of Michigan, i. 
265; aid Dubuisson at Detroit, i. 

Mercier, , assistc in attack on 

Grand Pr<?, ii. 207. 

Meriel, Father, a priest of St. Sulpice, 
i. 79, 86 note. 

" Mermaid," a war-ship of Commodore 
Warren, ii. 103, 141. 

Merrimac River, i. 35, 250. 

Merry-meeting Bay, attack of Indians 
at, i. 230. 

Meserve, , lieutenant-colonel of 

New Hampshire regiment at siege of 
Louisbourg, ii. 122. 

Mexico, i. 288. 

Michigan, Lake, groups of Indians at, . 
265, 330. 

Michillimackinac, a Jesuit mission sta- 
tion settled by Huron and Ottawa 
Indians, i. 15; the Indian defences 
at, i. 16; the French colony at, i. 16; 
mentioned, i. 327; ii. 27. 

Micmacs, Indians, to emigrate to Isle 
Royale, i. 181; attack Canso, etc., i. 
234 ; join in an attack upon Louis- 
bourg, ii. 80; encamped with De 
Ramesay near Acadia, ii. 187; un- 
der control of their missionary, Le 
Lputre, ii. 190. 

Militia, recruited for the expedition 
against Louisbourg, ii. 99 note. 

Mines, a district of Acadia, ii. 199 ; the 
French in possession, ii. 219. 

Mines Basin, ii. 206. 

Minneconjou Indians, a tribe of the 
Sioux, ii. 54 note. 

Minnesota, Le Sueur's expedition into, 
ii. 3. 

Minnetarees, a tribe of the Missouri In- 
dians, ii. 41 note. 

Minot, John, cited, i. 224 note. 

Miramichi, a missionary station, ii. 

Mississagas, called to aid Dubuisson at 
Detroit, i. 271. 

Mississippi and Great Lakes, considered 
in the Treaty of Utrecht, i. 178. 

Mississippi, French settlements made 
upon the, i. 288; mentioned, i. 291. 

Mississippi Company, given the mo- 
nopoly of Louisiana, i. 304; its pow- 
ers and privileges, i. 305 ; its despotic 
government over Louisiana, i. 305; 
its efforts to people Louisiana, i. 308 ; 
its stockholders, i. 308 ; failure of 
the, i. 308; resigns the charge of 
Louisiana, i. 311. 

Missouries, Indians, aid Dubuisson at 
Detroit, i. 273 ; in council with Bourg- 
mont, ii. 17. 

Missouri River, ii. 5. 

Mobile Bay, a fort established at, i 

Mogg, Indian chief, killed, i. 238. 



Mohawk Indians, settle at Caughna- 
waga, i. 11 ; chiefs, taken to England 
by Peter Schuyler, i. 141; their re- 
ception, i. 142. 

Moiitigny, , a member of Rigaud's 

war-party, ii. 261. 

Montmorency, M. de, ii. 283. 

Montreal, i. 74; an Indian war-party 
mustered at, i. 92; a proposed attack 
upon, i. 130; consternation at, ex- 
pecting an attack of the English, i. 
137 ; to be attacked by the English 
expedition, i. 159 ; preparations for 
defence against Walker's attack, i. 
171 ; the number of war-parties sent 
from, in 1746, ii. 232. 

Moody, Captain, a British naval cap- 
tain at Boston, i. 141 note ; attacks 
Fort William, Newfoundland, i. 127; 
dismissed from office, i. 233. 

Mood}', Rev. Samuel, chaplain of the 
expedition against Louisbourg, ii. 
96; his despotic rule over his parish- 
ioners, ii. 97; his long prayers and 
sermons, ii. 98; preached to the 
soldiers at Canseau, ii. 109; says 
grace at Pepperrell's dinner given at 
Louisbourg, ii. 153. 

Moore, , his soldiers camped at 

Louisbourg, ii. 121, 161 note. 

Moore, Colonel, mentioned, ii. 161 note. 

Morpain, Captain, opposes the land- 
ing of the enemy at Louisbourg, ii. 

Morris, , of Cambridge, mentioned, 

ii. 132. 

Moulton, Captain, sent to attack Nor- 
ridgewock, i. 236. 

Moulton, , his soldiers camped at 

Louisbourg, ii. 121. 

Mount Desert, Colonel Church's troops 
sent to, i. 117. 

Mouse River, ii. 40. 

Muis de Poubomcoup, Marie, married 
at Port Royal, i. 114. 

Mupquawkies, a name by which the 
Outagamie Indians called them- 
selves, i. 332 note. 

Mussey, widow, murdered by Indians, 
i. 46. 


Nantaaket Roads, arrival of English 
fleet in, i. 159. 

Nasconites, Indians, on the Red River, 
ii. 11. 

Nathaniel, Captain, Indian chief, i. 50. 

Natchez, the tribe of sun-worshippers, 
i. 294; attack the colonists in Loui- 
siana, i. 310. 

Natchitoches, a settlement on the Red 
River, ii. 9. 

Naval force, the equipment of, for the 
expedition against Louisbourg, ii. 101; 
its arrival at Canseau, ii. 109; en- 
counters the French frigate " Re- 
nomme'e," ii. 110; takes some French 
prizes, ii. 110; sails from Canseau, 
ii. Ill ; arrives at Louisbourg, ii. 1 12. 

Neal, Andrew, the house of, attacked 
by Indians, i. 46. 

Necessity, Fort, i. 328. 

Neutrality, treaty of, proposed be- 
tween Canada a'nd the New England 
colonies, i. 99. 

Neuvillette, Lieutenant, killed in fight 
with a privateer, i. 107. 

Newbury, an intended Indian attack 
upon, i. 92. 

New Brunswick, originallv Acadia, i. 
106, 204. 

Newcastle, Duke of, orders the pro- 
tection of Acadia by Commodore 
Warren, ii. 102; sends aid to the 
expedition against Louisbourg, ii. 
104; letter to Governor Shirley 
quoted, ii. 159 note; approves Gov- 
ernor Shirley's proposal to capture 
Canada, ii. 168; promises British 
troops, ii. 170; fails to send them, 
ii. 171 ; his apathy of interest in the 
protection of Acadia, ii. 187, 197. 

New England, French schemes for con- 
quest in, i. 2, 3; encroaches on Aca- 
dian fisheries, i. 107 ; determines to 
attack Port Royal, i. 140; desires 
aid from England, i. 141; prediction 
concerning the possible independence 
of, i. 154; barred out from the fur- 
trade, i. 262; the Peace of Aix-la- 
Chapelle proclaimed in, ii. 270; 
colonies, their attitude as regarded 
war, i. 5. 

New Eng. Hist. Gen. Register, cited, 
ii. 217 note. 

New England troops raised for an at- 
tack on Port Royal, i. 144; their 
camping at Louisbourg, ii. 121 : at 
Louisbourg, their cheerfulness under 
hardship, ii. 123; their orderly con- 
duct, ii. 129; sickness, etc., ii. 131; 
their dissatisfaction and mutiny af- 
ter the conquest of Louisbourg, ii. 
162 ; sickness and death of, ii. 166. 

Newfoundland, its conflicting powers, 
i. 127; the fisheries of, considered 
in the Treaty of Utrecht, i. 178. 

New France, the zeal displayed by 
Jesuit missionaries in, i. 206, 207; 
the influence upon, by the occupation 
of Louisiana, i. 288 ; her two colonies, 
Canada and Louisiana, i. 313. 



New Hampshire, sends soldiers to Port 
Royal, i. 121 ; called upon for troops, 
i. 131; assists in an attack upon 
Louisbourg, ii. 88; her contribution 
towards the siege of Louisbourg, ii. 
100; reimbursed for expenses of tak- 
ing Louisbourg, ii. 160; contributes 
men to capture Canada, ii. 169; 
sends troops to protect Acadia, ii. 
199; dispute with Massachusetts con- 
cerning Fort Dtimmer, ii. 233. 

N. H. Historical Collections, cited, i. 
219 note. 

New Haven, i. 132. 

New Jersey, i. 6 ; called upon for troops, 
i 130; her contributions towards the 
reduction of Canada, i. 132; contri- 
butes men to capture Canada, ii. 169. 

New London, a conference of gover- 
nors at, concerning England's attack 
on Canada, i. 158. 

New Mexico, desire of the French ex- 
plorers to open trade with, ii. 1; a 
route discovered from Louisiana to, 
ii. 21. 

New Orleans, the foundations laid by 
Bienville, i. 307. 

New York, plan of a French officer to 
destroy, i. 3; the bulwark of the 
Southern colonies, i. 5; destitution 
of her soldiers, and unfitness for 
war, i. 6; the pacific relations with 
Canada, i. 99 ; joins in the reduction 
of Canada, i. 132; her interest in 
the fur-trade, i. 262; a rival of 
Canada for the control of the West, 
i. 263; her attitude towards the Five 
Nations, i. 264; their friendship ne- 
cessary to her for her fur-trade, i. 
265; her communication with the 
West carried on through the Five 
Nations, i. 266; contributes men to 
capture Canada, ii. 169; her condi- 
tion respecting military efficiency, 
ii. 222. 

New York Colonial Documents, cited, 
i. 225 note. 

Niagara, an important post for the 
French to secure, ii. 70. 

Nicholson, Colonel Francis (Lieut. -Gov- 
ernor of New York), takes part in 
the scheme for reduction of Canada, 
i 131; in command of New York 
troops, i. 135 and note ; his advance 
towards Canada, i. 135; builds seve- 
ral forts, i. 135; stations his army 
at Wood Creek, i. 137; his troop's 
disbanded, i. 140; sails for England, 
i. 141 ; given command of a new 
enterprise against Port Royal, i. 
142; his plans, etc., i. 143; a" dinner 
at the Green Dragon Tavern, i. 145; 

lands at Port Royal, i. 146 ; receives 
a messenger from Governor Suber- 
case, i. 146 ; demands the surrender 
of the fort, i. 147; changes the name 
to Annapolis Royal, i. 148; sent to 
Boston from England to make pre- 
parations for England's attack on 
Canada, i. 158; encamped at Wood 
Creek, i. 170; receives news of Ad- 
miral Walker's retreat, i. 170; dis- 
bands his army, i. 171; governor 
at Annapolis, i. 187; his behavior to- 
wards the Acadians, i. 188. 

Nicholson, Fort, on the Hudson, i. 

Niles, Indian and French Wars, cited, 
i. 44 note. 

Nims, , escapes from Indian cap- 
tivity, i. 83. 

Niverville, Boucher de, ensign under 
St. Pierre in the search for the 
Pacific, ii. 59, 60; commanded the 
Canadian troops in an attack against 
Number Four, ii. 239 ; demands the 
surrender of the fort, ii. 241 ; disap- 
pointed of success, he retires with 
his troops from the place, ii. 243. 

Nipegon Lake, a French post, ii. 30. 

Noble, Colonel Arthur, commands 
troops sent to protect Acadia, ii. 199; 
occupies the village of Grand Pre", 
ii. 200; his quarters at Grand Pr4 
attacked bv Coulon de Villiers' 
troops, ii. 208, 210; killed by the 
French, ii. 210. 

Noble, Ensign, a brother of Colonel 
Noble, at Grand Pre", ii. 208; killed 
in the attack by the French, ii. 210. 

Noddles Island (East Boston), English 
troops quartered at, i. 159. 

Norridgewocks, Indians of Maine, pre- 
tend a peace with Governor Dudley, 
i. 34; join a war-party, i. 92; a 
guard to the French colony on the 
Kennebec, i. 205 ; in charge of Father 
Sebastien Rale, i. 206; how they 
parted with their lands, i. 214; 
alarmed by the intrusion of settlers, 
i. 215; join in council to meet Gov- 
ernor Shute, i. 216; they annoy the 
English settlers, i. 223;" invited to 
another council at Georgetown, j. 
224; their interview with Captain 
Penhallow, i. 225; attack the fort at 
Georgetown, i. 226; interview with 
the embassy from Governor Diitn- 
mer, i. 244; the scattering of the 
tribe, i. 247. 

Norridgewock, the village of, in 1716, 
i. 209, 210, 211; the government of 
Massachusetts determine to destroy, 
i. 236, 237, 238. 



Northampton, Mass., i. 48, 62, 90, ii. 

Northfield, Mass., abandoned, i. 53; 
particularly liable to Indian attack, 
ii. 246; the Sunday drum-beat at, 
ii. 246; the labors of the Rev. Ben- 
jamin Doolittle at, ii. 247; men- 
tioned, ii. 233. 

"Northumberland," the war-ship of 
the Due d'Anville, ii. 177 and note. 

Norton, , chaplain at Fort Massa- 
chusetts, ii. 257; quoted, ii. 260; his 
account of their march from the fort 
as prisoners, ii. 265 ; invited by De 
Muy to visit the fort at Crown Point, 
ii. 268. 

Nova Scotia, i. 106 ; originally Acadia, 
i. 204; Archives cited, i. 203 note. 

Noyes, Dr., built a stone fort at Cush- 
noc (Augusta), i. 213. 

Noyon, Jacques de, sergeant in colony 
troops, i. 86. 

Noyon, Mrs. Jacques de (Abigail Steb- 
bins), i. 86. 

Nantasket Roads, ii. 106. 

Number Four, a settlement formed by 
the brothers Farnsworth, of Groton, 
ii. 234; the fort built at, ii. 236; a 
small garrison sent from Massachu- 
setts, ii. 237; attacked by Indians, 
ii. 237; abandoned by its settlers, ii. 
237; Captain Phineas Stevens sent 
to garrison it, ii. 238 ; again attacked 
by Indian*, ii. 239; defended by 
Captain Stevens, ii. 239; Nivervilfe 
demands its surrender, ii. 241; which 
being refused, he retires from the 
scene, ii. 241; the inhabitants return 
to, ii. 244 

Nuttield, i. 251. 


Ohio River, the French propose to build 
forts at, ii. 70. 

Ojibwas, called to aid Dubuisson at De- 
troit, i. 271. 

"Old Indian House," the house of 
John Sheldon at Deerfield, i. 65. 

Oncpapa Indians, a tribe of the Sioux, 
ii. 64 note. 

Oneida Indians, settle at Caughnawaga, 

Onondaga, the Iroquois capital, i. 9. 
Orleans, Duke of, i. 305 ; approves the 

plan for the discover}' of the Pacific 

Ocean, ii. 24, 358. 
Orleans, Fort, built by Bourgmont on 

Missouri River, ii. 15. 
Osages, Indians, ii. 11. 

Osborne, , chairman of the Commit- 
tee of War, ii. 132. 

Ossipee Lake, i. 247, 253. 

Oswego, a trading-house built at, ii. 72; 
its demolition ordered by Beauhar- 
nois, ii. 73. 

Otoes, Indians, on the Missouri River, 
ii. 17. 

Ottawa Indians, a tribe of the " Far 
Indians," i. 11; settled about Detroit, 
i.265; their houses, crops, etc., i. 26J. 

Otter Creek, ii. 250. 

Ouacos, Indians on Arkansas River, ii. 
12 note. 

Oushala, a chief of the Outagamies, i. 

Outagamies, Indians of Michigan, i. 
265; the terror of the West, i. 268; 
settle themselves at Detroit, i. 270; 
their hostile intentions, i. 271 ; their 
camp attacked, i. 275 ; a fight ensues, 
i. 276; they ask an interview of Du- 
buisson, i. 277; more fighting, i. 280; 
they leave Detroit, i. 284; surrender 
to the French, i. 285 ; attack the 
Illinois, i. 319; expedition of Louvi- 

fny against the, i. 320 ; Vaudreuil 
etermined to destroy, i. 320; their 
defences, i. 322 and note ; make treaty 
of peace, i. 323; they attack the Illi- 
nois, i. 324; their war-chief burned 
by the Illinois, i. 324; order of King 
Louis for their destruction, 5. 324 ; 
conflicting opinions concerning their 
extermination, i. 325; in council with 
Sieur de Lignery, i. 325; an expedi- 
tion against them by Lignery, i. 
327 ; again attacked by Sieur de" Vil- 
liers, i. 328; again attacked by Hu- 
rons, etc., i. 330; and defeated, i. 
331; attacked by a French trader, 
Marin, i. 332; the survivors incor- 
porate themselves with the Sacs, etc., 
i. 332; derivation of the name, i. 
333 note. 

Oxford, the village of, attacked by In- 
dians, i. 234. 

Oyster River, attacked by Indians, i. 90. 


Pacific Ocean, search for the, begun, ii. 
24; Charlevoix's search for the, ii. 
25, 29; a company sent from Canada 
under La Perriere, ii. 27: the enter- 
prise and explorations of Varennes de 
la Ve>endrye in search of, ii. 30-39 ; 
the search" of the brothers De la 
Wrendrye for, ii. 40-56; Captains 
Lewis and Clark explore their way 



to, ii. 55; the search for, undertaken 
by M. de St. Pierre, ii. 57, 59 note. 

Paddon, Captain, of the " Edgar," i. 

Padoucas, Indians, ii. 14; name given 
to the Comanche Indians, u. 19 

Pain, Father, at Acadia, i. 182. 

Palfrey, New England, cited, i. 261 
note, ii. 160 note. 

Panawamske", an Indian village, i. 235. 

Paradis, , acted as pilot in ^Walker's 

expedition, i. 164. 

" Parfait," a French war-ship, ii. 181. 

Paris Documents, i. 100 note. 

Parsons's Life of Pepperrell, cited, ii. 
99 note, 113 note, 158 note. 

Parsons, Widow, carried of by Indians, 
i. 46. 

Parthena, a negro woman, i. 58. 

Partridge, Colonel Samuel, letters of 
cited, i. 66 note. 

Passamaquoddy Bay, Colonel Church's 
attack on Canadians at, i. 118. 

Patterson's memoir, cited, i. 129 note. 

Paugus, war-chief of the Pequawkets, i. 
248 ; killed, i. 258. 

Pawnees, Indians, on the Missouri, ii. 
14 ; visited by Du Tisne, ii. 14. 

Payne, John, le'tter to Colonel Robert 
fiale, ii. 107 note. 

Peace of Ryswick, mentioned, i. 2, 55. 

Pelham, Fort, built on the site of the 
present town of Rowe, Mass., ii. 246. 

Pemoussa, an Outagamie chief at the 
fight of Detroit, appeals to Dubuisson 
for peace, i. 278; makes a second 
appeal to Dubuisson, i. 282; sur- 
renders and escapes, i. 286. 

Penacooks, Indians, pretended peace 
with Governor Dudlev, i. 35. 

Penecaut, accompanies Le Sueur on his 
voyage, ii. 5; Relation of, cited, ii. 
8 note. 

Penhallow's History of Wars of New 
England, etc., i. 35 note, 36 note, 44 
note, 67 note, 127 note, 212 note, 226 
note. 253 note, 260 note. 

Penhallow, Captain, his interview with 
hostile Indians at the Georgetown 
council, i. 225. 

Pennsylvania, cnlled upon for troops, i. 
130; refused aid in the reduction of 
Canada, i. 132; men raised in, to cap- 
ture Canada, ii. 169. 

Penobscots, Indians, pretended peace 
with Governor Dudley, i. 35 ; join 
a' war-party, i. 92; join in a council 
to meet Governor Shute, i. 216; the 
mission village of the, destroyed, i. 
235; conclude a treaty of peace, 
i. 245 ; their new village burned by 

VOL. u. 25 

Captain Heath, i. 245; encamped 
with De Rainesay near Acadia, ii. 

Penobscot, Me., i. 3. 

Pensacola, i. 130; Le Moyne d'lber- 
ville at, i. 290; also Spanish ships, i. 

Pensens, , induced the Acadians to 

migrate, i. 186. 

Pepperrell, William, cited, ii. 83 note ; 
his portrait, ii. 91; given the chief 
command of an attack upon Louis- 
bourg, ii. 91; his mansion-house at 
Kittery Point, ii. 92; his early life, 
education, etc., ii. 93 ; held many 
offices, ii. 94; consults Rev. George 
Whitefield when appointed to com- 
mand the siege of Louisbourg, ii. 
95; a plan suggested to him for 
reconnoitring Louisbourg, ii. 96; 
receives commissions from three Pro- 
vinces, ii. 100 ; manages the landing 
of the fleet at Louisbourg, ii. 115 ; 
his soldiers camped at Louisbourg, ii. 
121; the cheerfulness of his men 
under difficulties, ii. 123; orderly 
conduct of his men, ii. 129; his pop- 
ularity with his army, ii. 131; his 
cares and annoyances, ii. 132; re- 
ceives Warren's plan for taking 
Louisbourg, ii. 146; agrees with 
Warren upon a mode of attack, ii. 
148; makes terms of capitulation 
to Duchambon, ii. 150; quoted con- 
cerning the surrender, ii. 151 ; gives a 
dinner to celebrate the surrender, ii. 
152; jealousies between his soldiers 
and the sea force of Warren, ii. 155, 
156; receives the keys of the for- 
tress, ii. 157; delivers them to Gov- 
ernor Shirley, ii. 158 ; as compan-d 
with Warren, ii. 158 and note; 
knighted and given a commission in 
British armv, ii. 159, in charge with 
Warren at Louisbourg, ii. 164. 

Pepperrell Papers, the, cited, ii. 161 

Pepin, Lake, a fort built at, ii. 3, 6. 

Pequawket Indians, i. 48 ; join in a 
council to meet Governor Shute, i. 
216: a tribe of the Abenakis living 
on the Saco, i. 247; Lovewell's ex- 
pedition against the, i. 249 ; the fight 
at Lovewell's Pond, i. 252, 254; 
cowed by the English, i. 259. 

Perelle, Ensign, carries a flag of truce 
from Governor Subercase to the Eng- 
lish camp, i. 146. 

Perier, Sieur, succeeds Bienville in 
Louisiana, i. 309 ; recalled from 
Louisiana, i. 311. 

Perriere, Boucher de la, military chief 



of the mission to the Sioux Indians, 
ii. 27. 

Perrot, Nicolas, a famous voyageur, ii. 
3; built a fort at Lake Pepin, ii. 6 
and note, 27. 

Perrot, Fort, built by Nicolas Perrot, ii. 
6 and note. 

Perry, Professor A. L., ii. 254 note. 

Perry, John, Mrs., a war prisoner on 
the march from Fort Massachusetts, 
ii. 266. 

Petit Lorembec, several Englishmen 
captured and killed at, ii. 143. 

Petition, to General Court for compen- 
sation of losses from the Indian 
attack on Deerfield, i. 64 note. 

Petty, , escapes from Indian cap- 
tivity, i. 83. 

Petty's Plain, near Deerfield, i. 53. 

Philipps, Governor Richard, concerning 
the government of Annapolis, i. 190 ; 
advises recall of French priests from 
Acadia, i. 195; orders the Acadians 
to swear allegiance to George I., i. 
198; succeeded by Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Armstrong, i. 200. 

Phillips, an illicit trader, i. 103. 

Phippeny, , killed by Indians at 

Casco,"Me., i. 43. 

Phipps, Hon. Spencer, mentioned, ii. 
257 note. 

Phips, Sir William, mentioned, i 97, 
169; captured Port Royal, i. 149. 

Pickering, Lieutenant, killed by the 
French in their attack on Grand Pre", 
ii. 210. 

Pierce, Captain, killed at siege of Louis-- 
bourg, ii. 127. 

Pigiquid, now Windsor, i. 201. 

Pine Hill, on the banks of the Saco, i. 

Pinet, Jesuit missionary, established the 
village of Cahokia, i. 317. 

Piscataqiia River, a view of from Kit- 
tery Point, ii. 92. 

Pisiquid (now Windsor), an Acadian 
village, ii. 206. 

Pitt, William, mentioned, i. 156, 176. 

Placentia, a French station in New- 
foundland, i. 127 ; the people of, 
ordered to evacuate, i. 181. 

Plaisted, Elisha, married to Hannah 
Wheelwright, i. 49; captured by In- 
dians on his wedding-day, i. 50 ; ran- 
somed, i. 51. 

Platte River, ii. 21. 

Plessis, Joseph, Bishop of Quebec, i. 86. 

Plymouth, Mass., i. 117. 

Pomeroy, Seth, gunsmith of North- 
ampton, ii. 108 ; at battle of Bunker 
Hill, ii. 108: saluted by General Put- 
nam, ii. 108; major 'in expedition 

against Louisbourg, ii. 108; extract 
from his diary at the siege of Louis- 
bourg, ii. 109"; at the Grand Battery, 
ii. 119; his journal cited, ii. 161 note. 

Pomeroy, Theodore, Esq., ii. 109 note. 

Ponchartrain, M. de, approves Cadil- 
lac's plan for occupation of Detroit, i. 
25; concerning the Indian warfare,!. 
98; gossiping letters sent to him from 
Port Royal, i. 114; concerning the 
designs of England against Massa- 
chusetts, i. 151. 

Ponchartrain, Fort, built at Detroit, i. 
26, 269. 

Pontoosuc (Pittsfield), settlement, ii. 

Popple, Mr., i. 132 note. 

Porpoise, Cape, Me., attacked by In- 
dians, i. 42. 

Port a 1'Anglois (Louisbourg), a fortress 
to be built at, i. 180. 

Port Royal (Annapolis), the seat of 
government at Acadia, i. 108; the 
internal dissensions at, i. 109; official 
gossip at, i. 113 ; the claim of "The 
Church" for authority, i. 113 ; Colonel 
Church at, i. 119; an expedition sent 
to, by Governor Dudley, i. 121; the 
attack upon, i. 122; proves a failure, 
i. 125; the New England colonies 
determine to attack, i. 140 ; an attack 
to be made upon, i. 144; arrival of 
the squadron at, i. 145; Nicholson 
and Vetch land at, i. 146; capitulates 
to the English, i. 148; name changed 
to Annapolis Royal, i. 148. 

Portsmouth, England, i. 131. 

Portsmouth, N.H., place of assault of 
the French, i. 3; troops sent for de- 
fence against the Indians at, i. 47; 
an attack upon intended by the In- 
dians, i. 92. 

Poskoiac, River, ii. 35. 

Pottawattamie Indians, a tribe of the 
Far Indians, i. 11 ; settled about 
Detroit, i. 265. 

Pottawattamie, the village of, i. 269. 

Poutrincourt, Baron de, i. 109. 

Powder River Range, ii. 44. 

Preble, Captain, an English officer at 
Grand Pre", ii. 214. 

Prentice, Rev. , mentioned, ii. 133. 

Price, , a militia officer at Haver- 
hill, i. 94. 

Prince, Rev. Thomas, quoted concern- 
the backsliding of his flock, ii. 95. 

" Prince d'Orange," French war-ship, 
ii. 176. 

Privateers, encroach on Acadian fish- 
eries, i. 107. 

Proceedings of Mass. Hist. Soc., i. 
G6 note. 



Protestant Reformation, the, i. 206. 
" Province Galley," a Massachusetts 

armed vessel, i. 44. 
Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, 

cited, i. 226 note. 
Public Documents of Nova Scotia, i. 

203 note. 
Purpopduck Point, Me., attacked by 

Indians, i. 42. 
Putnam, General Israel, salute to Seth 

Pomeroy at the battle of Bunker Hill, 

ii. 108. 


Quary, Colonel , quoted, i. 6. 

Quebec, i. 4; in possession of the Jes- 
uits, i. 22; expects an attack from 
the English, i. 137; to be attacked by 
the English expedition, i. 159 ; pre- 
pares for defence against Walker's 
attack, i. 171 ; arrival of Sieur de la 
Valterie with news of the retreat of 
Walker, i. 172. 

Queen Anne's War, the part of the 
American colonies in, i. 1; called 
also War of the Spanish Succession, 
i. 1; the beginnings of, i. 44. 

Quesnel, a Frenchman in Bourgmont's 
party, ii. 18. 


Rainy Lake, a fort built at, ii. 33. 

Rale, Sebastien, Jesuit missionary at 
Nprridgewock, i 35 note, 206"; a 
missionary to the Abenakis, i. 209, 
210 ; opposed to the ministrations of 
the Rev. Joseph Baxter, i. 220; his 
correspondence with Baxter, i. 221; 
his correspondence with other mini- 
sters, i. 221 ; his power over the In- 
dians, i. 222 ; quoted, i. 223 note; fears 
to lose his influence over the Indians, 
i. 224; stirs up an insurrection at the 
council at Georgetown, i. 225; his 
account of the attack on Georgetown, 
i. 226 note; he escapes arrest, i. 229; 
the government of Massachusetts de- 
mand him from the Indians, i. 229 
and note; his death, i. 237; his char- 
acter portrayed, i. 239; Jesuit mis- 
sionary at St. Louis, i. 316. 

Ramesay, M. de, Governor of Montreal, 
quoted, i. 67 note, 89 note, 320; sent 
with troops to surprise Nicholson ad- 
vancing on Canada, i. 135 ; lands his 
troops at Crown Point, i. 136; re- 
treaN to Chamhly, i. 136; sent to co- 
operate with D'Anville in retaking 

Acadia, ii. 186; encamps at Chignecto 
with a force of Penobscot Indians, ii. 
187 ; builds a fort at Baye Verte, ii. 
192; endeavors to excite the Acadians 
to insurrection, ii. 198; retreats before 
the coming of Colonel Arthur Noble, 
ii. 200; plan for attacking Colonel 
Noble at Grand Pre 1 , ii. 201 ; the 
winter march of his troops, ii. 203- 
206 ; his troops divided into ten 
parties for attack, ii. 206; the plan 
of attack upon Grand Pre, ii. 207; 
the attack upon Grand Pre and its 
results, ii. 208-215; threatens the 
Acadians against intercourse with 
the English, ii. 217; orders the 
Acadians to take arms against the 
English, ii. 219. 

Ramillies, i. 157. 

Kaudot, Intendant at Canada, men- 
tioned, i. 115; urged the settlement 
of Cape Breton, i. 179, 180. 

Reade, General J. Meredith, mentioned, 
ii. 5 note. 

Rebald, Pere, cited, ii. 22 note. 

Re'collets, friars at Port Royal, i. 114. 

Rednap, an engineer, in the expedition 
to Port Royal, i. 121; quoted, i. 123, 

Red River, ii. 10. 

Reed, Josiah, on the march as a pris- 
oner of war from Fort Massachusetts, 
ii. 266 ; death of, ii. 269 note. 

R^monville, Sieur de, proposed the set- 
tlement of Louisiana, i. 288. 

Renaissance, the, produced also a re- 
vival in religious life, 5. 206. 

Renaudiere, an engineer in Bourgmont's 
party, ii. 16, 17. 

" Renomme'e." a French frigate, ii. 

Repentigny, in Ramesay's expedition, 
ii. 202. " 

Rhode Island, i. 6; sends soldiers to 
Port ROVH!, i. 121; called upon for 
troops, i. 131; promises assistance in 
an attack upon Louisbourg, ii. 88, 
90; failed to join in the siege of Louis- 
bourg, ii. 100: reimbursed for ex- 
penses incurred, ii. 160; contributes 
men to capture Canada, ii. 16!) ; sends 
troops to protect Acadia, ii. 199. 

Rhodes, Captain, hurt by the bursting 
of a gun at Louisbourg, ii. 129 note. 

Ribaut, mentioned, ii. 66. 

Richelieu, Cardinal de, ii. 283. 

Richmond, Colonel, an officer in Pep- 
perrell's army, ii. 149. 

Richmond, Me., i. 214. 

Richmond, Fort, built on the Kennebec, 
i. 214, 236. 

Rigaud de Vaudreuil, ordered to defend 



Fort Fre'de'ric against English attack, 
ii. 250; intended to attack Schenec- 
tady, ii. 251; the march of his war- 
party to attack Fort Massachusetts, 
ii. 252-255, Jiie numbers of his war- 
party, ii. 253; forms his war-party 
into two brigades, ii. 253; the plan 
of attack, ii. 255; the attack made, 
ii. 259; wounded, ii. 259; offers terms 
of capitulation, ii. 262 ; delivers some 
of the English prisoners to the In- 
dians, ii. 264; his party kill some 
people at Deerfield, ii. 264 ; induces 
the Indians to treat the prisoners hu- 
manely, ii. 265, 266 ; allows his war- 
party "to devastate the towns of the 
Hoosac Valley, ii. 267; return to 
Crown Point, ii. 268. 

Eigauville, assists in attack on Grand 
m, ii. 208. 

Riviere-aux-Canards, ii. 214. 

Roberts, Colonel, burned the fort at 
Saratoga by advice of Governor Clin- 
ton, ii. 226. 

Robbins, Jonathan, signs petition to 
fight Indians, i. 249 ; wounded by 
Indians, i. 253 ; killed in the fight at 
Lovewell's Pond, i. 255. 

Robinson, John, re-captures some fish- 
ing vessels, i. 234. 

Rochelle, France, ii. 175; colonists 
from, in Louisiana, i. 297. 

Rock River, i. 330. 

Rocky Mountains, ii. 8, 15 note ; dis- 
covered by La Ve"rendrye brothers, 
ii. 50; discovered by Captains Lewis 
and Clark, ii. 55. 

Rogers, John, minister of Boxford, i. 

Rogers, Susanna, her engagement to 
Jonathan Frye, i. 259; her verses on 
the fate of Jonathan Frye, i. 261. 

Rolfe, Kev. , killed by Indians at 

Haverhill, i. 93. 

Ronde, M. de la, an officer at Port 
Royal, i. 112. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, mentioned, ii. 119 

Rosalie, Fort, uprising of the Natchez 
Indians at, i. 309. 

Rouge, Fort, built bv La Ve"rendrye, ii. 

Rouille", Monseigneur, "cited, ii. 57 note. 

Rous, , an illicit trader, i. 103. 

Rous, Captain, commands the war-ship 
" Shirley," ii. 101-; commended for 
gallant "conduct at siege of Louis- 
oourg, ii. 159. 

Rousseau, mentioned, i. 2. 

Rouville, Hertel de, commands a war- 
party to attack Deerfield, i. 53, 56, 
58; "wounded, i. 65; commands an 

Indian war-party to attack New Eng- 
land towns, i. 92. 

Rowe, Mass., ii. 246. 

Roy, Jacques, a Canadian, married 
Martha French, i. 86. 

Roy, Mrs. Jacques (Martha French) i. 

Royal Battery, the, at Louisbourg, ii. 

Rutland, i. 235. 


Sabrevois, Sieur de, a member of Ri- 

gaud's war-party, ii. 254. 
Saco, town of, rebuilt, i. 213. 
Saco River, i. 34, 35, 247. 
Sacs, the, a tribe of the " Far Indians," 

i. 11; at Michigan, i. 265; aid Du- 

buisson at Detroit, i. 273. 
Sacs and Foxes settle on the Missis- 
sippi, i. 332; in war against American 

frontiersmen, i. 333; a party of their 

chiefs at Boston, i. 333. 

Sadler, , of Deerfield, ii. 264. 

Sagean, Matthieu, romances mentioned, 

ii. 8. 
Saginaws, the, attacked the Outaga- 

mies, i. 319. 

Saguina, an Ottawa chief, i. 271- 
St. Andre" River, named by Fabry de 

la Bruyere, ii. 22. 
Saint-Ange, Sieurs de (father and son), 

attack the Outagamies, i. 328; sent 

bv Bourgmont to the village of tha 

Kansas Indians, ii. 15. 
St. Antoine, Fort, built by Nicolas Per- 

rot, ii. 6 note. 
Saint-Castin, Baron Vincent de, plan to 

attack Boston, i. 4 note ; mentioned. 

i. 228. 
Saint-Castin (son of Baron de Saint- 

Castin), Abenaki chief , i. 36; brought 

to Boston, charged with rebellion, i. 


St. Castin's Fort, now Castine, i. 118. 
St. Charles, Fort, built by La V^ren- 

drye, ii. 34. 
St. Christopher, Island, a contribution 

for, i. 96 note. 
Saint Clair, Lieutenant-General, given 

command of British troops to capture 

Canada, ii. 170. 
St. Croix River, i. 205. 
St. Francis, a Jesuit mission settlement, 

i. 74, 208, 274. 
St. George River, a dividing line, i. 

205 note; the fort at, attacked, i. 

St. John (Lord Bolingbroke), i. 156; 

scheme tor attacking Canada, i. 157. 



St. John, an English station in New- 
foundland, i. 127 ; attacked by Sub- 
ercase, i. 127. 

St. John Isle, ii. 202. 

St. John River, i. 205. 

St. Joseph River, i. 271, 330. 

St. Joseph, a fort built on the, by the 
French, ii. 76. 

St. Lawrence River, i. 179. 

St. Louis, i. 11. 

St. Michael, name of the Canadian 
mission to the Sioux Indians, ii. 

Saint-Ours des Chaillons, commanded 
an Indian war-party, i. 92 ; in Rame- 
say's expedition, ii. 202. 

Saint-Ovide, Sieur de, attacks Fort Wil- 
liam, Newfoundland, i. 128; quoted, 
i. 190; keeps his agents at work 
among the Acadians, i. 192. 

St. PauPs Bay, i. 22. 

St. Peter River, settlement of Le Sueur 
on the, ii. 6. 

Saint-Pierre, Leg^ardenr de, abandons 
the Sioux mission, ii. 29; undertakes 
the search for the Pacific, ii. 57, 59 
and note ; spends the winter at Fort 
La Reine, ii. 60; returns to Quebec, 
ii. 61; visited by hostile Assinni- 
boins, ii. 61 ; in Ramesay'a expedi- 
tion, ii. 202. 

St. Pierre, Fort, built at Rainy Lake, 
ii. 33. 

Saint-Poncy, an Acadian missionary, 
i. 193. 

Saint-Simon, quoted, i. 306. 

St. Sulpice, i. 79. 

Saint- Vallier, M. de, i. 137 note. 

Saint-Vincent, Madame de, at Port 
Royal, i. 113. 

Salem, Mass., i. 121. 

Saltonstall, , governor of Connec- 
ticut, i. 132. 

Samuel, Captain, a chief of the Eastern 
Indians, i. 35. 

Santa Fe", a route explored from Loui- 
siana to, ii. 22 and note. 

" Sapphire," one of Admiral Walker's 
war-ships, i. 170. 

Saratoga, i. 135; the garrison with- 
drawn from the fort by Governor 
Clinton, ii. 225 ; the fort at, burned by 
order of Governor Clinton, ii. 226; 
attacked by Marin, ii. 226 note. 

Saunderson. History of Charleslown, 
N. H., cited, ii. 233 note. 

Sauvolle, Sieur de, in charge of fort at 
Biloxi, near the Mississippi, i. 292. 

Scalp Point (Crown Point), the inten- 
tion of the English to seize, ii. 74. 

Scarborough, Me., attacked by In- 
dians, i. 42; rebuilt, i. 213. 

Schaticook, name given to eastern trib- 
utary of the Hudson, ii. 251. 

Schenectady, an intended attack upon, 
by Rigaud's war party, ii. 251. 

Schuyler, Abraham, induces the Five 
Nations to aid in the reduction of 
Canada, i. 133. 

Schuyler, Peter, i. 7, 10, 56 ; endeavors 
to keep alliance with the Five Na- 
tions, i. 8; gets promise of peace 
from Indians, i. 96; enters into the 
scheme for the reduction of Canada, 
i. 132 ; goes to England with some 
Mohawk chiefs, i. 141 ; concerning a 
fort at Niagara, ii. 71 ; sets the people 
of Newbury, &c., on guard against 
an Indian attack, i. 92; stationed at 
Saratoga, ii. 226. 

Schuvler's Colonial New York, cited, 
ii. 226 note. 

Scott, Moses, a prisoner of war from 
Fort Massachusetts, ii. 267. 

Sedgwick, Major, captured Port Royal, 
i. 149. 

Seminary, the, at Quebec, burned, 
i. 79 note. 

Serier, Captain, mentioned, ii. 177 note. 

Sewall, Judge Samuel, diary quoted, 
L 35 note; 94 note; 215 and" note; hia 
feeling toward Governor Dudley, 
i. 101 ; oath administered by, at 
council of Indians, i. 216 ; his speech 
before the Councillors, i. 232. 

Seven Years' War, mentioned, i. 204. 

Seymour, i. 165. 

Shannon, Richard Viscount, commis- 
sioned to attack Quebec, i. 143 and n. 

Sheldon, George, of Deerfield, i. 56 
note ; 64 note ; 66 note ; 85 note. 

Sheldon, Hannah, wife of John, Jr., 
i. 61 ; a prisoner in Canada, i. 82; 
ransomed, i. 83. 

Sheldon, Ensign John, the house of, 
at Deerfield, defensible against In- 
dians, i. 54; the attack upon his 
house by Indians, i. 60 ; the door of 
his house preserved, i. 65 and note ; 
sent by Governor Dudley to ransom 
the Deerfield captives, i. 82; makes a 
second journey to Canada for release 
of prisoners, i. 84; a third visit, i. 85; 
a paper on, by Alice C. Baker, i. 85 

Sheldon, Mrs. John, killed by Indians, 

Sheldon, John, Jr., i. 61. 

Sheldon, Mary, captured by Indians, 
i. 61. 

Sheldon, Mercy, killed by Indians, 
i. 61. 

Sheldon's Early History of Michigan, 
cited, i. 25 note. 



Sherburn, Henry, commissary of New 
Hampshire regiment, ii. 95. 

Sherburn, Captain Joseph, placed in 
charge of a battery at siege of 
Louisbourg, ii. 126; extracts from 
his diary concerning the siege, ii. 127 ; 
receives a flag of truce from Du- 
chambon, ii. 149. 

Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts, 
mentioned, ii. 80; advised to attack 
Louisbourg, ii. 83 and note; made 
governor of Massachusetts, ii. 84; 
proposes to the General Court an at- 
tack upon Louisbourg, ii. 85: his dis- 
appointment at their vote, ii. 86; at 
last prevails with the court, ii. 88; in- 
duces Governor Wentworth to assist 
in the attack upon Louisbourg, ii. 89; 
writes to the Duke of Newcastle 
concerning the siege of Louisbourg, 
ii. 104; his directions for the attack 
upon Louisbourg, ii. 105 and note; 
used his influence to obtain compen- 
sation to Massachusetts for the siege 
of Louisbourg, ii. 161 note ; arrived 
at Louisbourg and quieted the dis- 
contented soldiers, ii. 163 ; urges upon 
the Duke of Newcastle the conquest 
of Canada, ii. 167; does not receive 
the promised troops from England, 
ii. 171; designs an attack against 
Crown Point, ii. 172; urges upon the 
Duke of Newcastle the protection of 
Acadia, ii. 187; sends militia, &c., 
to protect it, ii. 187; proposes the 
removal of the Acadians, ii. 193; 
his plan concerning them, ii. 194 
and note, 195; proposed to exclude 
French priests from Acadia, ii. 195 
and note ; correspondence with Duke 
ef Newcastle concerning the Aca- 
dians, quoted, ii. 196 note, 197; sends 
troops to the defence of Acadia, ii. 
198, 199; sends Massachusetts troops 
to occupy Grand Pre", ii. 217; quoted 
concerning the condition of the Aca- 
dians, ii. 220. 

Shirley, Fort, built to protect settle- 
ments in the Berkshire valley, ii 245. 

Shirley, Mrs., arrived at Louisbourg, 
ii. 163. 

" Shirley," a war-ship in Pepperrell's 
squadron, ii. 101, 141 ; Massachusetts 
frigate sent to reinforce Annapolis, 
ii. 182. 

Shirreff, William, proposal to remove 
the Acadians, ii 192. 

Shrewsbury, Duke of, presents Mo- 
hawks to Queen Ann", i. 142. 

Shubciincadie, a missionary station, 
ii. 202. 

Shubenacadie River, ii. 204. 

Shute, Governor Samuel, succeeds Dud- 
ley as governor, i. 214 ; called -a. coun- 
cil of Eastern Indians at Georgetown, 
i. 215; his speech at council of In- 
dians, i. 216; the Indians renew their 
treaty with him, i. 219; declares war 
against the Abenaki, i. 230; ham- 
pered by the Government in making 
conciliation with the Indians, i. 230 ; 
returns to England, i. 231. 

Sibley, John Langdon, cited, ii. 117 n. 

Silesia, seized by Frederic of Prussia, 
ii. 78. 

Simons, Benjamin, a wounded prisoner 
from Fort Massachusetts, ii. 267. 

Sioux Indians, a tribe of the " Far In- 
dians," i. 11 ; La Sueur opens trade 
with, ii. 8; a company formed in 
Canada to establish a mission among, 
ii. 26. 

Sioux mission, the, sent from Canada, 
ii. 27 ; the company establish them- 
selves at Lake Pepin, ii. 27; name 
their mission St. Michael, ii. 28; 
name their fort Fort Beauharnois, 
ii. 28; the mission a failure, ii. 28. 

Skene Mountain, near Whitehall, ii. 

Slade, Dr. D. D., mentioned, ii. 258 

Smead, John, a prisoner of war on the 
march from Fort Massachusetts, ii. 
266: killed by Indians, ii. 269. 

Smead, Mrs. John, has a child born 
while on the march from Fort Massa- 
chusetts, ii. 266; death of, ii. 269. 

Smead, Captivity, child of John Smead, 
ii. 266. 

Smibert, , his portrait of William 

Pepperrell, ii. 91. 

Smith, History of New York, cited, 
i. 142 note, ii. 225 note. 

Smollett cited, ii. 83 note, 270. 

Snake Indians of the West. ii. 40; 
attack the tribe of Horse Indians, ii. 
46 ; a march of Horse Indians against 
them, ii. 47, 50; they flee before the 
enemy, ii. 52. 

Snelling, Tales of the Northwest, i. 332 

Snow, E. A., ii. 62 note. 

Soissons, Le Comte de, ii. 283. 

Sokokis Indians, living on the Saco 
River, i. 247. 

Sorel, town of, i. 74. 

Southack, Captain, defends Major 
March against the Indians at Casco, 
i. 43. 

Spafford, John, Jr., one of the settlers 
of Number Four, on the Connecticut, 
ii. 234; on commi;tee for the protec- 
tion of the settlement, ii. 234. 



Spain, the power gained by Great 
Britain over, i. 1; bent on claiming 
the Mississippi, etc., i. 290. 

Spaniards, the, of Mexico, jealous of 
French designs, ii. 10; attempt to 
attack the French at the Illinois, 
ii. 14; the Mandans 1 description of, 
ii. 37, 40. 

Spanish Succession, War of, caused by 
Louis XIV., i. 1. 

Sparhawk, Nathaniel, son-in-law of 
Pepperrell, ii. 133; desires some plun- 
der from Louisbourg, ii. 154. 

Sparks's American Biography cited, 
i. 220 note. 

Spurwink, Me., Indian attack upon, 
i. 42. 

"Squirrel," frigate, i. 216. 

Stebbins, Abigail, mentioned, i. 85 
note; married Jacques de Noyon, 
i. 86. 

Stebbins, Benoni, sergeant in militia 
at Deerfield, i. 54; the Indians at- 
tack his house, i. 59; killed, i. 60. 

Steele, i. 142. 

Stella, i. 174. 

Stevens, B. F., mentioned, ii. 244 note. 

Stevens, Phineas, a settler of Number 
Four on the Connecticut, ii. 235; his 
ingenious defences of Number Four 
from the Indian attack, ii. 239; re- 
fuses to surrender to Niverville, and 
compels his departure, ii. 242; his 
gallant conduct recognized by Com- 
modore Charles Knowles, ii. 243. 

Stoddard, , escaped from Deerfield, 

i. 59. 

Stoddard, John, superintendent of de- 
fence, etc., of Western Massachusetts, 

ii. 235; charged with construction of 
forts in Berkshire vallev, ii. 247. 

Stone, Life and Times of Sir William 
Johnson, ii. 225 note. 

Stone, William L., cited, ii. 262 note. 

Stover, John, major in the Maine mili- 
tia, ii. 99. 

Storer, Joseph, his house at Wells a 
garrison against Indians, i. 37. 

Storer, Mary, carried off prisoner by 
Indians, i. 41. 

Strait of Canso, i. 179. 

Stuckley, Captain, of British frigate 
" Deptford," i. 125. 

Subercase, Governor, quoted concern- 
ing the attack on Haverhill, i. 98 
note, 107; quoted concerning affairs 
at Port Royal, i. Ill ; offers the ca- 
pitulation of Port Royal to Gen- 
eral Nicholson, i. 147; quoted, i. 149 

Suite, M. Benjamin, cited, ii. 30 note. 

Sunderland, Earl of, cited, i. 131 note. 

"Superbe," a war-ship of Commodore 
Warren, ii. 103. 

Superior, Lake, ii. 24, 30, 32. 

Swanzey (Lower Ashuelot) a settle- 
ment in New Hampshire, ii. 230 note. 

Swift, , quoted concerning the fail- 
ure of Walker's expedition, i. 174. 

Sydney, the fleet of Admiral Walker 
at, i. 170. 

Symmes, Rev. Thomas, preached a 
sermon on the fate of Lovewell and 
his men, i. 260 note. 


Taconic Falls, Maine, i. 236. 

Taensas. a tribe of sun-worshippers, 
i. 294. 

Tailor, Colonel, sent with summons 
for the surrender of Port Ro\-al, i. 

Tarbell, John, captured, and becomes 
Indian chief, i. 89 note. 

Tarbell, Zechariah, captured, and be- 
comes Indian chief, i. 89 note. 

"Tartar," a war-sloop fitted out by 
Rhode Island, ii. 90, 101. 

Tatmagouche. village of, ii. 203. 

Taunton, Mass., i. 121. 

Temple and Sheldon, History of North- 
field cited, ii. 246 note. 

Tennessee River, the French propose 
to build forts at, ii. 70. 

Thaxter, Colonel Samuel, sent as am- 
bassador to Vaudreuil. i. 243; has an 
interview with the Indians, i. 244. 

The Boston Post Boy cited, ii.217 note. 

The Importance and Advantage of Cope 
Breton quoted, ii. 122 note. 

" The Illinois," a settlement on the 
Mississippi, i. 316; settled by Cana- 
dians, etc., i. 317; the mixed mar- 
riages at, i. 317 ; annexed to Loui- 
siana, i. 317. 

Thierry, Captain of the Royal Battery 
at Louisbourg, ii. 118. 

Thomassy, Geologie, etc., cited, ii. 10 

Three Rivers, ii. 29, 250. 

Ticonderoga, Fort, ii. 252. 

Titcomb's battery at Louisbourg, ii. 

Tiverton, R. I., i. 116. 

Topsfield, Mass., i. 121. 

Tontv, Alphonse de, accompanies Ca- 
dillac to Detroit, i. 25. 

Tonty, Henri de, brother of Alphonse, 
i. 25; a letter written by him found 
among the Indians, i. 291 and note ; 
in the fur-trade at Fort St. Louis, L 



Tories, the, eager for peace with 
France, i. 176. 

Toronto, a trading-post established at, 
ii. 73. 

Toulouse, Comte de, interested in the 
discovery of the Pacific, ii. 26. 

Trading-posts, a chain of, established 
by the French from Canada to Lou- 
isiana, ii. 76. 

Treaty of Casco, between the Abenaki 
Indians and Governor Dudley, i. 34. 

Treaty of Utrecht, ii. 67; the" condi- 
tions of, i. 176-179. 

" Trident," French war-ship, ii. 176. 

Trinity Bay, Newfoundland, i. 127. 

Tucker, Sergeant, wounded by Indians 
after a wedding- feast, i. 49. 

Tufts, William, his exploit at Louis- 
bourg, ii. 117, 139 note. 

Turner, . a militia officer at Haver- 
hill, i. 94. m . 

Turner, Reports upon Indian Tribes 
cited, ii. 19, note. 

Tuscaroras Indians joined to the Five 
Nations, i. 264. 

Tyng, Captain, captures and scalps 
several Indians, i. 48, 53 note. 

Tyng, Captain Edward, chosen naval 
commander by Pepperrell, ii. 101. 

Tyng, Colonel, sent to aid the wounded 
"in Lovewell's fight, i. 258. 

Two Mountains, mission at, i. 330. 


Usher, Robert, killed in the fight at 
Lovewell's Pond, i. 255. 


Vaillant, , Jesuit, an agent among 

the Five Nations, i. 9. 
Vallicre, Sieur de la, attempts to burn 

PepperrelPs storehouses near Louis- 

hourg, ii. 142. 
Valterie, Sieur de la, arrives at Quebec 

with accounts of the wreck of Walk- 
er's fleet, i. 172; a member of Ri- 

gaud's war-partly, ii. 253. 
Vautadour, Le Due de, ii. 283. 
Varennes, Rene" Gaultier de, governor 

of Three Rivers, ii. 29 ; marriage of, 

ii. 29. 
Varennes, de la Wrendrye, Pierre 

Gaultier, his action at battle of Mal- 

plaquet, ii. 29. 
Vaudreuil, Cavagnal Pierre Rigaud de, 

French governor in Quebec, i. 36; 

instigated some Indian attacks, i. 44, 

45; sends a war-party t attack Deer- 

field, Mass., 5. 52 and note ; quoted, 
i. 65, 67; ransoms Rev. John Wil- 
liams from the Indians, i. 76; terms 
for the ransom of prisoners, i. 82; 
bought Stephen Williams from In- 
dians, i. 84; organizes a war-party of 
French and Indians, i. 92; quoted on 
losses at Haverhill, i. 94; quoted, i. 96 
note ; his terms of a neutrality with 
the colonies, i. 99; sends troops to 
surprise Colonel Nicholson advan- 
cing on Canada, i. 135; notified oj 
English expedition against Canada, 
i. 171 ; lends aid to Rale in rousing 
the Indians to insurrection, i. 224; 
allows a pension to Rale, i. 227; 
pleased with the attack on George- 
town, i. 227; correspondence with 
Governor Dummer on the death of 
Rale, i. 241; receives an embassy 
from Governor Dummer, i. 243 ; de- 
termined to destroy the Outagamies, 
i. 320; gains the consent of the Five 
Nations to build a fort at Niagara, 
ii. 72. 

Vaudreuil, Rigaud de. (See Rigaud de 

Vaughan, William, his character por- 
trayed, ii. 83, 84; of Damariscotta, 
advised the siege of Louisbourg, ii. 
83, 85; attacks the Grand Battery 
at Louisbourg, ii. 116; reinforced by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet, ii. 
117; announces the taking of the 
Grand Battery to Pepperrell, ii. 117; 
proposes to attack the Island Bat- 
tery, ii. 136. 

Vera Cruz, i. 290. 

Verazan, Jean, ii. 274. 

Verelst, Dutch artist, paints the por- 
traits of Mohawk chiefs, i. 142. 

Verrazzano, mentioned, ii. 66. 

Vetch, Captain Samuel, goes to Canada 
to negotiate for release of prisoners, 
i. 83, 99; suspected of illicit trade, 
i. 100, 103; mentioned, i. 122; his 
antecedents, i. 129; his marriage, i. 
129; his scheme for the reduction 
of Canada, etc., i. 130; sails to Eng- 
land for aid, i. 130; perfects his plans 
in Boston and New York, i. 131, 132; 
awaits at Boston the arrival of the 
English squadron, i. 139; his disap- 
pointment at the non-arrival, i. 140; 
made adjutant-general of a new en- 
terprise, 1. 142; a dinner at the Green 
Drngon Tavern, i. 145; lands at 
Port Koyal, i. 146; takes command 
as governor of Annapolis Royal, i. 
148; commands in Walker's expedi- 
tion against Canada, i. 16-3; his es- 
cape from shipwreck, i. 167 ; oilers to 



pilot the fleet, I. 169; expresses his 
mind at the retreat of Walker, i. 
170 ; his neglected condition at An- 
napolis, i. 183 and note, 184. 

Vetch, William, death of, i. 129. 

"Vigilant," a French ship-of-war 
taken bv the English in Louisbourg 
harbor, li. 141. 

Villemont, assists in attack on Grand 
Pr, ii. 208. 

Villiers, Coulon de, mentioned, i. 328; 
attacked the Outagamies, i. 328; at 
Fort Necessity, ii. 202; commands 
the Ramesay expedition, ii. 202 ; re- 
ceives aid from the priests Maillard 
and Girard, ii. 204; receives infor- 
mation concerning his attack on 
Grand Pre", ii. 207; the number of 
his troops in the attack upon Grand 
Pre", ii. 215; makes the attack on 
Grand Pre" and is wounded, ii. 209. 

Villieu, M. de, accuses the ecclesiastics 
of illicit trade, i. 114. 

Vincennes, Sieur de, arrived at Detroit 
to aid Dubuisson, i. 272; follows up 
an attack upon the Outagamies, i. 

Vincennes, on the Wabash River, ii. 76. 

Virginia, i. 6 ; contributes men to cap- 
ture Canada, ii. 169. 


Wainwright, Colonel Francis, a com- 
mander in the expedition to Port 
Royal, i. 121. 

Waldo, Brigadier, sent to occupy the 
Grand Batten' at siege of Louisbourg, 
ii. 119 ; to Shirley, cited, ii. 119 note ; 
quoted, ii. 137 ; mentioned, ii. 161 

Waldron, Mrs. Adelaide Cilley, ii. 93 

Walker, Sir Hovenden, admiral of the 
Canada expedition from England, i. 
157; his reception in Boston, i. 159; 
preparations in Boston to join his ex- 
pedition, i. 161; quoted concerning 
deserters, i. 162; he sails from Bos- 
ton, i. 163; quotations from his jour- 
nal, i. 164; his fleet barely escapes 
shipwreck, i. 165; the loss of his fleet 
by wreck, i. 167 ; anxious for retreat, 
i. 168: holds a council of war, i. 168; 
sails for Spanish River, i. 170; wild 
reports at Quebec concerning the 
wreck of his fleet, i. 173; sails for 
England, i. 174; holds council of war 
concerning Placentia, i. 174; emi- 
grated to South Carolina, thence to 

Barbadoes, where he died, 1. 175; his 
journal, i. 175 note. 

Wallace, town of, Acadia, ii. 203. 

Walton, Colonel, called to account by 
the Massachusetts Assemblv, i. 231. 

Wanton, governor of Rhode Island, ii. 
90 note, 94 note, 99 note. 

War-parties sent from Montreal in 1746, 
ii. 232. 

Warren, Commodore Peter, at Antigua, 
invited to aid in the siege of Louis- 
bourg, ii. 102; ordered to the protec- 
tion of Acadia by the Duke of New- 
castle, ii. 102; joins the expedition 
against Louisbourg, ii. 103, 111; 
quoted, ii. 125; impatient fcr attack, 
ii. 137 ; his desire to secure humane 
treatment to captives, ii. 143; his 
plan for the immediate taking of 
Louisbourg, ii. 145 ; agrees with Pep- 
perrell upon a mode of attack, ii. 148 ; 
together with Pepperrell agrees upon 
terms of capitulation from Louis- 
bourg, ii. 150 ; his proposed " ball " 
at Louisbourg, ii. 152; the French 
prizes taken bVhis squadron, ii. 155; 
jealousies of his squadron and the 
army of Pepperrell. ii. 155, 156; his 
speech to the New England soldiers, 
ii. 158 note ; compared with Pepper- 
rell, ii. 158; made an admiral, ii. 159; 
remains with Pepperrell in charge of 
Louisbourg, ii. 164; received com- 
mission as governor of the fortress 
ii. 167; Admiral, defeats La Jonquiere 
in command of a French fleet, ii. 184; 
mentioned, ii. 228. 

Warren, Mrs., arrived at Louisbourg, 
ii. 163. 

Washington, George, mentioned, i. 328. 

Webster, Mount, i. 247. 

Wedding, a notable, in Wells, i. 49. 

Wells, John, an envoy to ransom the 
Deerfield captives, i. 82. 

Wells, Jonathan, his house at Deerfield 
fortified against Indians, i. 55; as- 
sists in driving the enemy out of 
Deerfield, i. 63; petition for compen- 
sation of losses from the attack, i. 
64 note. 

Wells, Thomas, murder of his wife by 
Indians at Wells, Me., i. 40. 

Wells, Me., its garrisons, i. 37; the 
church at, i. 38; its people, i. 38; its 
judicial officers, i. 39; its "turbulent 
women," i. 39; Indian attack upon, 
i. 41 ; troops sent for defence against 
the Indians at, i. 47 ; annoyed by In- 
dians, i. 95. 

Wendell, Jacob, cited, ii. 178 note. 

Wentworth, Governor Benning, of New _ 
Hampshire, i. 260 note} induced to ' 



aid in the attack upon Louisbourg, ii. 
89 ; his desire to command the troops, 
ii. 91; his old mansion at Little Har- 
bor, ii. 92. 

Westbrook, Colonel, i. 210 note; sent 
to demand Rale from the Indians, i. 
229; burns the mission village of the 
Penobscots, i. 235, 236. 

Western Posts, the, Canada's endeavor 
to control, i. 315. 

West India Company, built a fort oil 
river Kansas, ii. 15. 

West Indies, i. 107. 

Weymouth, Mass., i. 121. 

Whiffs, the, fallen from power, i. 176. 

Whipple, Reports upon Indian Tribes, 
cited, ii. 19 note. 

Whitefield, George, his advice to Wil- 
liam Pepperrell, ii. 95 ; his motto for 
a flag, ii. 95. 

Whitehall, on Lake Champlain, ii. 252. 

White Mountains, i. 247. 

White River, i. 71, ii. 35. 

Whiting, , a member of LovewelPs 

expedition, i. 253. 

Wheelwright, John, the notable wed- 
ding of his daughter, i. 49. 

Wheelwright, Hannah, married to 
Elisha Plaisted, i. 49; her husband 
captured by Indians, i. 50. 

Wichitas, Indians, on Arkansas River, 
ii. 12 note. 

Willard, , his soldiers camped at 

Louisbourg, ii. 121. 

Willard, Rev. Joseph, killed by In- 
dians, i. 235. 

William III., deed of Northwestern 
country given to, bv the Five Nations, 
i. 30. 

William, Fort, Newfoundland, attacked 
by the French, i. 127 ; again attacked 
bv Sieur de Saint-Ovide, i. 128. 

Wifliams, Eleazer, grandson of Eunice 
Williams, i. 87 and 88 note. 

Williams, Captain Ephraim, in com- 
mand at Fort Shirley, ii. 247 ; the 
founder of Williams College, ii. 256; 
killed in battle at Lake George, ii. 
257 note. 

Williams, Esther, ransomed, i. 83. 

Williams, Eunice, child of Rev. John, 
i. 71; kept at the Mission of St. 
Louis, i. 76; remains in captivity, i. 
85; married an Indian, i. 87; visits 
to Deerfield, i. 87. 

Williams, Major Israel, commissary at 
Fort Shirley, ii. 247. 

Williams, Rev. John, minister at Deer- 
field, i. 54; mentioned, i. 55 note; 
his house attacked by Indians, i. 68; 
taken captive, i. 6f; estimates the 
losses of the enemy, i. 65 note; ac- 

count of their march, i. 67; preached 
to his flock during their march into 
captivity, i. 70; separated from his 
family, i. 71; his sufferings while on 
the march, i. 73; at the village of St. 
Francis, i. 74; entertained kindly by 
a Frenchwoman, i. 74; refuses to be 
converted to certain rites of the Jesuit 
church, i. 74; ransomed by Governor 
Vaudreuil and sent to Montreal, i. 
76: sent to Quebec, i. 77; his ex- 
perience with the Jesuit priests, i. 77, 
78; sent to Chateau Richer, i, 78; 
released from captivity, i. 84; returns 
to Deerfield, i. 87; "quoted, i. 91; 
mentioned, ii. 165. 

Williams, Mrs. (Rev.) John, death of, 
i. 69. 

Williams, Roger, mentioned, ii. 90. 

Williams, Samuel, child of Rev. John, 
i. 71 ; conversion to Roman faith, i. 
80; return to Deertield and death, i.' 

Williams, Stephen, son of Rev. John, 
captured by Indians, i. 66 note ; re- 
leased from captivity, i. 84; becomes 
a minister, i. 87; minister of Long 
Meadow, Mass., and chaplain in the 
army at Louisbourg, ii. 165. 

Williams, Stephen W., i. 54 note. 

Williams, Thomas, surgeon at Fort 
Massachusetts, ii. 257. 

Williams, Colonel W., cited, ii. 240 

Williams, William, justice of peace, ii. 
257 note. 

Williams College, ii. 254. 

Williams River, named for Rev. John 
Williams, i. 70 note. 

Williamson, , History of Maine, 

cited, i. 44 note, 214 note, 219 note, 
226 note, 253 note. 

Williamstown, Mass., ii. 254. 

Wilson, General James Grant, cited, i. 
129 note. 

Wind River Range of the Rocky Moun- 
tains, ii. 52. 

Winnebagoes, Indians of Michigan, i. 

Winnepesaukee, Lake, the rendezvous 
of an Indian war-party, i. 92, 250. 

Winnipeg, Lake, a post established at, 
ii. 24. 32. 

Winsor, Justin, Nar and Grit. Hist., 
cited, i. 142 note, 213 note. 

Winter Harbor, Me., attack upon by 
Indians, i. 42, 45; annoyed by In- 
dians, i. 95. 

Winthrop, Fitz-John, sends relief to 
Deerfield, i. 66 note. 

Wisconsin Historical Collections, cited, 
i. 328 note. 



Wisconsin River, ii. 27. 

Wiwurna, Indian chief, in dialogue with 
Governor Shute, i. 217, 218. 

Wolcott, General Roger, commands 
Connecticut troops in an attack upon 
Louisbourg, ii. 90; commander of 
Connecticut forces in siege of Louis- 
bourg, ii. 100; quoted concerning the 
Grand Battery at Louisbourg, ii. 120; 
quoted, ii. 138, 157; mentioned, ii. 
161 note. 

Wolfe, mentioned, i. 156. 

Wo 'd Creek, i. 130, 135, ii. 245, 252. 

Woods, Sergeant, a member of Love- 
well's expedition, i. 252. 

Woods, Lake of the, ii. 33. 

Wright, Daniel, Northfield, Mass., ii. 

Wright, Ebenezer, petition for com- 
pensation of losses from Indian at- 
tack on Deerfield, i. 64 note. 

Wroth, Ensign, gains the submission of 
the Acadians, i. 200. 

Wyatt, Lieutenant, attacked by Indians 

at Black Point, Me., i. 46. 
Wvman, Ensign Seth, in the fight with 

Indians at Lovewell's Pond, i. 254; 

arrived at Dunstable, i. 257; joined 

in Lovewell's expedition, i. 251. 

Xavier, mentioned, i. 208. 


Yankton Indians, a tribe of the Sioux, 
ii. 54 note. 

Yellowstone Park, ii. 50. 

Yellowstone River, ii. 21. 

York, Me., attack upon the people at, 
by Indians, i. 46 \ annoyed by In- 
dians, i. 95. 




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description? of a condition of country and of Indian life now passed away are 
made still more fascinating by Mr. Remington's striking pictures of Indian 
settlement*, camps, implements, buffalo hunts, trappers, etc. 

Thie juperh new edition, illustrated by the artist who has got nearest to the truth of In- 
dian life, and irAo, as Mr. Parkman says, "knew the prairies and the mountains oeforf 
irresistible commonplace had subdued them," will secure it a permanent place in every 
American library. Philadelphia Times. 

The book is one which should be airen to the half-yroicn toys all over the land. They 
will like it, and it is most healthy reading for them. Boston Courier. 


254 Washington Street, Boston. 





Mr. Parkman's descriptions of Indian life are unsurpassed by anything of the kind. 
Boston Advertiser. 

His place is alongside of the greatest historians whose works are English classics. 
London Athenteum. 

In vigor and pointedness of description, Mr. Parkman may be counted superior to Irving. 
New York Tribune. 

What magic hides itself in the brain and pen of Mr. Parkman, that he makes this rugged 
and ragged growth of the French occupancy of Canada so pregnant with life and interest to 
the reader? It ("Count Frontcnac and New France under Louis XIV.") reads like 
romance, but romance of a high order. Providence Press. 

There is not a single volume that does not read like a novel, and every one of the histories 
is the highest authority on the subject of which it treats. The Nation. 

Mr. Parkman's deep sympathy with his subject is the secret of his success as a narrator. 
Each actor in the scene is his friend or foe ; he has taken musty records, skeletons of facts, 
dry bones of barest history, and breathed on them that they might live. The Spectator. 

A subject which Mr. Parkman has made as much his own as Motley the Dutch Republic, 
or Macaulay the English Revolution. It is to the pages of Mr. Parkman that we must go 
for the American Indian. George William Curtis. 

In interest this work (" Pioneers of France ") exceeds any aovel which has been published 
during the year. Boston Transcript. 

As fascinating as any of Scott' ] s novels. Boston Pilot. 

Mr. Parkman's sketches of lake and forest scenery, in the glory of summer or in the 
gloom of winter, are of exquisite beauty. J. Baring Gould. 

The events of the final struggle of France and England for the control of North America 
could not have found an historian more fitted for his task. Saturday Review. 

Easily the first of living American historians. More interesting pages we have never read. 
Christian Advocate. 

It is only now that we find ourselves in possession of an authentic, full, sustained, and 
worthy narrative (" Montcalm and Wolfe ") of tliese momentous events and extraordinary 
men. Macmillan's Magazine. 

Mr. Francis Parkman excels, in the qualities of an historian, all Americans who have writ- 
ten history, and all authors who have written American history. New York Methodist. 

"The Conspiracy of Poutiac," one of the most brilliant and fascinating books that has ever 
teen written by any historian since the days of Herodotus. Prof. John Fiske. 

We follow the casualties of battle with the intense interest of one who has friends or 
acquaintances there. Mr. Parkman's familiarity also with the scenery of his narratives is so 
intimate, his memory of the eye is so vivid, as almost to persuade us that ourselces have seen 
ichat he describes. . . . One of the convincing tests of genius is tbe choice of a theme, and 
no greater felicity can befall it than to find one both familiar and fresh. ... In the in- 
stinct that led him straight to subjects that seemed waiting for him so long, Mr. Parkman 
gave no uncertain proof of his fitness for an adequate treatment of them. James Ilussell 
Lowell (November " Century "). The last piece of writiny prepared by him for publication. 
1. 1 in i nt of the " Century." 

It is. possible that the historian of the last quarter of the nineteenth century in America 
will fnd few events more notable than the completion of the work of Mr. Francis Parkman, 
that series of historical narratives, now at last grown to one whole, in which the romantic 
story of the rise, the marvellous expansion, and the ill-fated ending of the French power in 
North America is for the first time adequately told. . . . Mr. Parkman belongs distinctly 
to the class of learned historical scholars who are also skilful and charming writers. His 
books, to borrow a phrase from Augustin Thierry, are important additions to historical 
science, and at the same time works of literary art. Note on the Completion of Mr. Park- 
Kan's Work, Edward Eggleston, in November Century. 

LITTLE, BROWN, & 00,, 254 Washington Street, Boston. 




Los Angeles 
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 






Form L9-Series 444 

APR 25 1968 



MAY 25 1973 


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LD URL JUN 1973 



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